Some Issues Of Socio-Economic Consequences Of Ingushetia's Accession To Russia


This article analyses some socio-economic consequences of the incorporation of a North Caucasian region into the Russian Empire in 1770. Vladikavkaz railway that was built from Rostov to Beslan played an important role in the economic conquest of the outskirts of the country and brought the Northern Caucasus closer to the internal provinces of the empire and strengthened economic ties between them. Ingushetia, like many other regions of the North Caucasus, was being drawn into the mainstream of capitalist development. This period brought entrepreneurs, merchants and representatives of the rural bourgeoisie into the Ingush population. This paper points out that the years of Ingushetia's existence as part of the Sunzhensky Cossack Division were particularly difficult, and that changes in all areas were noticeable after the formation of the Nazranovsky district. The article shows that the 1917 revolution was a turning point in the lives of all the peoples of the North Caucasus. The article points out that the most acute problem for the Ingush in this period was the agrarian question. The measures of the Tsarist authorities were aimed at solving this issue. The phenomena of land leasing and landlessness, characteristic of this period, led to the break-up of large families and the transition of mountaineers from communal to backyard land tenure, which sped up the development of capitalist relations. The most important achievements in the period under consideration were in the economic field; alongside commercial farming, commercial livestock farming developed, although here too there were problems.

Keywords: Ingushetia, oath, Russia, socio-economic development, treaty


In the second half of the 18th century, relations between Ingushetia and Russia entered a qualitatively new phase in their development. It was this period that initiated Russia's military-political and economic expansion into the North Caucasus. The 1770 oath and the 1810 treaty facilitated Ingushetia's further integration into Russian society. The Ingush needed an alliance with Russia to protect their villages that had emerged in the territory of today's Prigorodny district. At the same time, the Ingush hoped to gain political support in opposing the expansion of the Kabardian and Aksai princes. Finally, these agreements contributed to socio-economic development in the spread context of capitalist relations. The agreement of 23 August 1810 gave the Ingush the right to use the lands on the right side of the Terek River.

Problem Statement

Consideration of issues relating to the further development of Ingushetia after its incorporation into the Russian Empire, and the formation of new political, socio-economic and cultural conditions, is of great historical significance.

Several topical issues on the problem in question have featured in works such as Compendium of Information on the mountaineers of the Caucasus (Caucasian Mountain Committee, 1869), Tersky Collection (1892, 1893), Stenographic Reports of the State Duma (Elderkhanov, 1907), and Proceedings of the Society for the Promotion of Russian Industry and Trade (Caucasian Mountain Committee, 1876). The following authors devoted their work to the further development of capitalism, the construction of the railway and its role in creating markets and the development of trade relations: Ardasenov (1896), Butkov (1869).

The decay of the family community and the disintegration of the large family are described in the works of researchers Kharuzin (1888), Vertepov (1892).

We can find some aspects of the issue in question in the works of authors such as Tsalikov (1913), Krieger-Voynovsky (1999).

The emergence of entrepreneurs, merchants and the rural bourgeoisie among the Ingush is described in his works by Grabovsky (1870) and Kodzoev (2004),

But none of the works analysed offered a coherent picture of Ingushetia's political, social and economic development in the period following its incorporation into Russia.

Research Questions

After the annexation of the Ingush lands, which was completed in the early 19th century. Russia has entered a new, capitalist period in its history. The aim of the economic conquest of the suburbs was to create a market for capitalism there. Speaking about the outskirts of the empire, representatives of the Russian bourgeoisie emphasized: "These markets are important for Russian trade and industry, both to market their wares and even more so to buy raw materials for their factories" (Caucasian Mountain Committee, 1876, p. 18).

At that time, the Caucasus was remote from Russian central industrial regions and separated from them by a wide strip of sparsely populated and underdeveloped steppes. The subsistence economy and its patriarchal-feudal forms of social life were predominant in the Ingush highlands. The prerequisite was, as usual in these cases, a social division of labour. The development of industry in central Russia stimulated the development of commercial farming and commercial cattle breeding on the outskirts. Built from Rostov to Beslan in 1875 and extended to Petrovsk in 1893, the Vladikavkaz Railway brought the North Caucasus closer to the internal provinces of the empire and strengthened their economic ties.

Thus, on 2 July 1875, the railway came to the capital of the Terek region. On this occasion, E.B. Krieger-Voynovsky (his words are given in the book of Krieger-Voynovsky, 1999) wrote: "In my gymnasium years they built a railway from Rostov to Vladikavkaz. I saw what a boon it was for our town; it began to rapidly develop and revive, new cheap goods appeared, the capital's newspapers appeared, and the mail arrived on the 5th day instead of the previous 12 days. Some new people showed up, famous artists from the capital that we hadn't seen before appeared. In short, it smelled like a new life. Vladikavkaz joined Russia, its common culture (Krieger-Voynovsky, 1999). Poor harvests in 1891–1892 throughout Central Russia forced peasants to flee hunger and seek work in the south, in bread-producing regions, many of them have settled down to build railways. It should be noted that the first passenger train arrived from Beslan to Grozny station on 1 May 1893, and this day is considered the beginning of the work of the city station. The Caucasus region has always been of great geostrategic importance to the Russian state, with important trade and transport routes connecting Europe and Central Asia. In this respect, the North Caucasus is particularly noteworthy, as it is also of great importance to the country's economy, because of its well-developed agriculture. It was the Vladikavkaz railway that pioneered the use of petrol tanks, created wagons with tilting bodies for dumping cargo, and built the most powerful steam locomotive in Europe. In addition, given the agricultural orientation of the region, including the 20th century, special agronomical trains with agricultural exhibitions ran along the Vladikavkaz railway.

This period brought entrepreneurs, merchants and representatives of the rural bourgeoisie into the Ingush population. The first Ingush merchants were Ovdi and Khovdi Gireevs. Their grandfather Musost Gireev moved to the Nazran valley from the mountain village of Koshk at the start of the 20th century, and there were many small hamlets along the river Sunzha. As is known, in 1858 the decision of the Russian government merged all small farmsteads of Ingushetia into large villages, and the farm where Musost had settled became part of the Plievo village.

Musost's grandsons. The sons (Ma1ish), Hovdi (Khovdi) and Ovdi (Lovdi), contracted to build a railway from Prokhladnaya Station to Argun in 1870. They themselves had settled close to the site of the proposed railway station. After commissioning the Nazran railway station in 1893, people moved in and established a settlement near the station, which was popularly named Vozgale/Vagzale after the word railway station. The first people to move to the settlement were the energetic ones, those involved in trade and entrepreneurship. Trade and entrepreneurship in Ingushetia developed rapidly because of the railway that passed through Nazran and the opening of a railway station. The Gireev brothers soon became well-known merchants in Ingushetia, the Ingush called Ovdi a "goldi//galdi merchant" and both brothers were merchants of the second guild.

On this fact we should note that according to documents, Ingushetia as well as the entire Caucasus had its place in the agrarian economy of Russia during this period. The fact that according to the 1897 census 87 % of Russians lived in rural areas and 74 % of them were engaged in agriculture and it was the world's leader in total agricultural production is a significant indicator (Kisilev & Shchagin, 1998). The present-day railway freight yard in Nazran was their storehouse, barns and warehouses, where buyers from all over Ingushetia came; the brothers exported leather, maize, linden bark, fruit and other goods to Russia. Metal, agricultural machinery, manufactured goods and foodstuffs were brought from Russia (Kodzoev, 2004).

The fact of the establishment of the Ingush militia in 1786 to protect the fortress of Vladikavkaz also testifies to the mutual trust between the Ingush and the Russian military administration in the Caucasus. In case of necessity, the military authorities of the Caucasus were allowed to form a large number of troops from the Ingush for action in their territory (Butkov, 1869).

In 1784, near the Ingush village of Zaur-Yurt, there was established a fortress of Vladikavkaz, where the Ingush bought the goods they needed. At this time, it becomes more profitable to buy them at a low price than to produce them on the farm. Many crafts are in decline at this time. It cannot be thought that Ingush national culture developed in isolation, closed off from the influence of surrounding peoples. And so, when we talk about Ingush relations with neighbouring peoples, including trade relations, we must not forget the specific historical context in which Ingushetia developed.

The development of industry in central Russia stimulated the development of commercial farming and commercial cattle breeding on the outskirts. The widespread colonization of the pre-Caucasus steppes and the emergence of capitalist farms there created an increased demand for labour. Russian and Ukrainian settlers in the Stavropol and Terek-Kumsk steppes needed timber and timber products. Finally, throughout the North Caucasus, and particularly within the Terek region, the urban and industrial population, in general, was growing, which also contributed to the social division of labour.

The accelerated demand for agricultural and forestry products and labour could not impact the economic activities of the Ingush. The territory they occupied in the 60s of the 19th century was part of the Ingushev district and in the 1990s it belonged to the Sunzhensky Division of the Terek Province (Russian Empire State Duma, 1862).

The formation of Ingush statehood was, without exaggeration, influenced by military-popular governance, which in effect was a military-cossack system with the absolute merging of administrative, military and police power in one hand at all levels of government. This model of administration of the peoples of the North Caucasus differed from the all-Russian system of administrative bodies. The need to restructure the system of administration and to introduce general imperial civil administration in the Terek region (and the Caucasus as a whole) was evident to both the authorities and the indigenous population of the region.

Particular discontent among the population was due to the agrarian issue and the punitive policy of the military-cossack administration. The authorities have remained deaf to the numerous appeals, petitions and complaints of the Ingush. The 1905-1907 revolution, however, introduced major changes to the empire's national policies. An analysis of the sources shows that the authorities, fearing popular anger and the resulting spread of revolutionary unrest in Ingushetia, had to make several concessions, resulting in changes in the administrative-territorial, economic and political organization of the Ingush.

One such preventive concession was the 1905 decision to temporarily form a separate Nazranovsky district within the Terek region. The formation of this independent administrative-territorial unit can be regarded as the initial stage in the formation of Ingush nationhood. The socio-political situation in Ingushetia, which was split into a separate district, was tense. The major cause of instability in the region was still the agrarian issue. The constituency that was created for three years did not give the Ingush any actual power, as it, the power, continued to be in the hands of the military. The concessions made by the regime, both on a national and regional (and specifically in Ingushetia) scale did not lead to a fundamental change in Tsarist policy and were compensated for by increased repression. Despite the temporary and very provisional nature of this measure, the Ingush people enthusiastically welcomed the long-awaited news of the district. Over the short period of its existence, the Nazranovsky district has undergone positive changes in its economic, social and cultural life. The military themselves acknowledged the irrationality of subordinating Ingushetia to the Sunzhensky Cossack Department. That is why in 1908 the administration of the Terek province applied for an extension until 1911. However, the governor decides to ask the Tsar to approve the Nazranovsky district permanently.

The February Revolution brought its own changes to life, raising hopes for a democratic transition in Russia. It was a turning point in the lives of the peoples of the North Caucasus, including the Ingush. Representatives of the Ingush intelligentsia, along with other prominent public and political figures of the North Caucasus, took an active part in the First Congress of mountain peoples and the creation of the Union of mountaineers of the North Caucasus and Dagestan (1917–1918), which in 1918 was renamed the Mountain Republic (1918–1920). Ingushetia became part of the Mountainous Republic as an independent district. Since March 1917, the district is no longer called Nazranovsky, but Ingush.

As for the social and economic preconditions for the formation of the Nazranovsky (Ingush) district, the most important of which was the same agrarian issue. Ingushetia, which as separate sections was a part of Sunzhensky district of Terek region, was experiencing a chronic agrarian famine. In the second part of the 19th century, a gradual decline in agriculture and cattle breeding started in Ingushetia, which in fact was a major cause of instability and inter-ethnic tensions between the Ingush and the Cossacks. This was connected to the confiscation of part of the Ingush flatlands in favour of the Cossacks and the creation of the so-called Sunzhenskaya Cossack line that separated mountainous Ingushetia from flatland Cossack stanitsa chains. They received extensive areas of the most fertile Ingush lands and in the following decades until the 1917 revolution and civil war of 1918–1929 the land problem in Ingushetia was of great concern. The agrarian question was so acute throughout the region that the Caucasian administration understood the urgent need for reforms and changes in the agrarian legislation in force in these territories. Attempts by the authorities to understand the land relations of the mountaineers and develop draft reforms were unsuccessful due to the national and class and class restrictions of the Caucasian administration (Kodzoev, 2000).

The population density of Sunzhensky Division (18.4 people) was also higher than the average for the whole Terek Oblast (15.3). But these data are not yet sufficient to judge the Ingush's capacity for developing a market economy. The high population density was not yet a negative phenomenon. With the natural conditions favourable for farming in the foothill plains, this fact may have played a certain positive role. However, much of the area was mountainous and forested. There was therefore little land suitable for arable farming. The arable plots of the mountaineers were particularly negligible.

“One can consider,” wrote a local publicist, “that a yard with one dessiatine of arable land can be called sufficient, above that - it is already wealthy” (Ardasenov, 1896, p. 20). According to the Tsarist administrators themselves, a family of five persons in Ingushetia needed six dessiatines of arable land, four dessiatines of pasture and up to eight dessiatines of grazing to meet its food needs (Caucasian Mountain Committee, 1869). In economic terms, the difference between the land holdings is clearly visible from these figures. A single Ingush man had 4.3 dessiatines of land, and 1.6 dessiatines of land in the mountains. Exactly half of it was unsuitable for farming (Tersky Collection, 1893). It is not surprising that even a well-to-do Ingush family could gather enough grain for only 5 to 6 months, and only 2 months for a poor one (Tersky Collection, 1892). Tilling the land here yielded "only enough not to starve to death under the most modest food requirements of the Ingush" (Caucasian Mountain Committee, 1876). At the same time, Terek Cossacks had on average 21,3 dessiatines per man, i.e., 5 times more (Tersky Collection, 1893).

So as not to die of hunger, the mountaineers had to rent land from the Cossacks of the Terek Army stanitsa that had settled on their land. In the Sunzhensky Division in 1890, Cossacks leased 39,907 dessiatines, or 14 % of all stanitsa lands (Tersky Collection, 1892). Later, complaining about the lack of land, the Ingush wrote in a telegram addressed to the State Duma: "Currently 2/3 of our land forcibly seized has passed into the hands of the Cossacks, and we, the Ingush, are brought to where to live we must rent land from the same Cossacks. On average, the Ingush tribe has paid more than 30,000 roubles in rent annually to the Cossacks" (Elderkhanov, 1907, p. 32).

On the plane, tenants usually paid 3 to 5 roubles per dessiatine, while in the mountains they paid half of the harvested grain (Tersky Collection, 1893). However, it was not always possible for the mountain poor to rent land, usually 50–100 versts away from their homes. As rich Cossacks and peasants of the steppe and foothill zones increasingly used hired labour, poor mountaineers preferred to go to work instead of renting, and were often hired as labourers "for a year's subsistence" (Tersky Collection, 1893). The number of mountain dwellers who went to work in the cities and railway stations also steadily increased.

Leaving for seasonal work accelerated the disintegration of the mountain family community and led to the disintegration of the extended family. Family members who went to work did not want to share their possessions or money with those who stayed in the "big house" upon their return. By encroaching on the big family, private property was blowing it up from the inside. According to the ethnographer Kharuzin (1888), who studied social and family life of the mountaineers in the mid-1980s, the process of disintegration of the family community was already evident. Of course, the break-up of large families contributed to the transition of mountaineers from communal to backyard land tenure. During family partitions, mountaineers fragmented the already minuscule arable plots even further. Many of the poor preferred to sell them. The wealthy mountain peasants took advantage of this by expanding their hereditary holdings through the purchase of small plots from their poorer fellow villagers. The increase in the land ownership of wealthy mountaineers was also due to the clearing of land from under the forest. However, only sufficiently powerful farms could take advantage of this opportunity, since clearing the land in the forested mountains was an extremely labour-intensive process that required the kind of resources that the mountaineers did not have at their disposal.

As a result, while the mountain poor became more and more estranged from the land, turning to extraction, the richer mountaineers increased ploughing, expanded the area under crops and increased grain production. Maize has firmly taken a leading place in Ingushetia's grain economy. As early as 1876 it was noted that the mountaineers “began to sow much corn, taking advantage of the strong productivity of this variety of bread, and to sell it directly to consumers in neighbouring Dagestan and to distilleries; Vladikavkaz and Shchedrin, and lately also to Rostov” (Tersky Collection, 1892, p. 105).

The Ingush village of Nazran was the largest centre for the sale of maize.

By the beginning of the 20th century, up to 90% of grain cargo at Nazran station was maize. Although Ingushetia was called the “breadbasket oasis” and “granary” of the North-East Caucasus, a significant part of the mountaineers, especially in the mountainous zone, lived a half-starved existence on corn or barley bread,” suffering “acute land shortages”. A contemporary local historian commented that the Ingush “are content to do what a Russian peasant would have starved to death long ago” (Vertepov, 1892, p. 87).

If we look at another important sector of the population's economy, cattle breeding, we see the same picture. As time went on, the livestock trade developed more and more widely. Sheep were in greater demand at local bazaars and fairs. Therefore, the percentage of small livestock for sale was higher than that of large livestock. If we add sheep wool for sale, which, incidentally, was exported to Rostov and to the North Caucasus wool-processing areas, it becomes apparent that the Ingush sheep breeding was the most commercially active of all the local livestock breeding branches. But this did not mean that the population of Ingushetia was sufficiently provided with livestock. Most importantly, the distribution of livestock among the individual groups in Ingushetia was extremely unequal. However, out of the total number of sheep (livestock) owned by the Ingush, more than two-thirds were in the flat auls. Thus, there is an uneven supply of livestock in mountainous and flatland auls.

Despite a fairly high average level of livestock, in reality there were many poor people among the Ingush who had no livestock of their own. The percentage of seedless farms was particularly high on the plains, where by the end of the 19th century there was a shortage of grazing land due to the intensive ploughing of virgin lands.

In the 1970s, it was reported that among mountaineers living in the gorges of Armkhi, Assa and Gegha, rich herdsmen with 2 horses, 10 cows and 200 sheep were “very rare,” while most residents had 1 horse, 2 cows and 10–12 sheep. The author added: “Many, however, have only one cow, and it is not uncommon to meet such peasants who have nothing at all...” (Grabovsky, 1870, p. 9). The situation has not changed for the better over the last 20–30 years. If the sale of livestock at fairs and bazaars has increased, this does not necessarily mean an increase in the level of consumption of livestock products by the working people. In the words of a contemporary who studied the life and economy of the Ingush aul in the early 1890s, the meat here “ordinary mortals have to eat it only on solemn occasions” (Vertepov, 1892, p. 55).

Purpose of the Study

In this article we aim to consider some socio-economic consequences of Ingushetia's incorporation into the Russian Empire.

Research Methods

We used historical-genetic, comparative and typological methods in our research.


The development of commercial farming and livestock trading not only deepened the observed wealth inequalities, especially among the mountaineers, but also stimulated the emergence of new social groups of the rural population, previously unknown to mountaineer society. According to the words of O. Marggraf, given in Vertepov’s work (1892), who studied the life of the Ingush in the late 1980s, "on the one hand, there emerged a class of landless people among them, and on the other, there was a class of larger or smaller landowners. In the absence of a blood aristocracy, these local rich men have in fact acquired considerable weight among them and have become influential in public affairs, not to mention the fact that their landless and land-poor tribesmen are strongly economically dependent on them (Vertepov, 1892). Ten years later, a local mountaineer publicist spoke out even more forcefully, summarizing his observations of the changes in the life of the mountaineers: "There is a terrible economic differentiation among the aul population.

The wealthy mountaineers included not only those farmers who produced grain on a large scale, but also those who were engaged in the production of grain for sale. But they were also large livestock breeders, who kept their flocks in the mountain pastures in the summer and moved them to the steppe lands leased from the Terek Cossacks for the winter. Individual members of the nascent Ingush bourgeoisie invested their capital into industrial production. As one author noted: “The Ingush are practical, quick-witted and shrewd people who are striving to gain education and a place in trade and industry by any means possible” (Grabovsky, 1876, p. 29). Of course, only a few could “win” such a place. The mass of impoverished mountaineers had to earn their livelihood by “day labour during the harvesting of crops” (Grabovsky, 1870, p. 9) and by way of emigration. Most of them, however, were in the market as labourers and were often satisfied with casual earnings.

Even the appearance of the mountaineer changes – more and more often the national costume is replaced by a tradesman's blouse or a merchant's jacket, a dagger is replaced by an arsine, a rifle by a pick and a crowbar. The mountaineer's views have also changed. Previously scornful of trade, he now only dreams of a shop... (Tsalikov, 1913, p. 34).

There were no large capitalist-type farms in Ingushetia. The small-scale commercial farming of the average peasant was predominant. It has continued to exist, not because of any particular "survivability", but because of the systematic decline in the material standard of living of the peasant family. This applies in full measure to those Ingush peasants who really worked hard to conquer a scrap of rocky land from the forested mountains and to grow on it enough bread to provide their family with half a meal, if only for six months. This also applied to those mountaineers who spent their time travelling up and down the mountain trails searching for convenient pastures on steep mountainsides, in long separations from family and home to keep their livestock and save them from starvation. Even during the post-reform period, the economy of Ingush peasants, especially in the mountains, was in many ways still subsistence, but not only the middle peasant but even the poor peasant could no longer exist outside the market. He had to sell, if only at the expense of malnutrition, to pay taxes to the royal treasury, the local clergy, to buy the amount of bread missing before the next harvest, to buy fabric for clothing, etc.


Thus, the local market process was not only reflected in an increase in trade turnover, but also in the network of stationary trade enterprises - shops, benches, etc., which gradually overshadowed the trade at fairs and market places. With regard to market relations in Ingushetia with other regions of post-reform Russia, it should be noted that raw materials and liquid fuels (oil) predominated among cargoes sent, while manufactured goods were predominantly brought in. In addition, by the end of the 19th century there were strong market links with the industrial centres of the Azov, Black Sea and Donbas regions, as well as with the Moscow Industrial Region and even the Urals. The main cargo flows were from Grozny to Rostov and the port of Petrovsk, which linked Ingushetia with Transcaucasia, Central Asia and the Volga region. Through Petrovsk, in particular, local merchants maintained trade relations with the Nizhny Novgorod Fair, sending there cargoes along the Caspian Sea and the Volga. In this way the Ingush people also came closer to the Russian people.

Russian settlers on the Terek River and the mountaineers had peaceful relations, which facilitated economic and cultural communication between the peoples. The Tsarist regime continued to pursue a big-power policy in Ingushetia and the entire Caucasus during the post-reform period, imposing a colonial regime and oppressing the indigenous population. But the Tsarist government's colonial measures had nothing to do with the labour activities of the Russian people in the development of the sparsely populated pre-Caucasian steppes. The Russian colonization of the Caucasian steppe, which intensified after the 1861 reform, was to a large extent peasant, agricultural colonization. A new and decisive stage in the process of communication of the working people of the mountaineers with the Russian people was the formation of a cadre of industrial proletariat in Ingushetia.


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Agieva, L. T., Dolgieva, M. B., Yandieva, T. U., & Teboev, I. A. (2022). Some Issues Of Socio-Economic Consequences Of Ingushetia's Accession To Russia. In D. K. Bataev, S. A. Gapurov, A. D. Osmaev, V. K. Akaev, L. M. Idigova, M. R. Ovhadov, A. R. Salgiriev, & M. M. Betilmerzaeva (Eds.), Knowledge, Man and Civilization- ISCKMC 2022, vol 129. European Proceedings of Social and Behavioural Sciences (pp. 62-71). European Publisher.