On The Relationship Between The Chinese, Russian And Chechen Languages

Abstract

In this article, which is a continuation of the work, the question of the probable affinity between the Chinese and Russian languages ​​is considered. Using the law of logic (if A = B, and B = C, then A must be equal to C), it is shown that the Russian language, which is part of the Slavic group of Indo-European languages, can be considered related to Chinese since the Chechen language, along with with other North Caucasian languages, according to the theory of S. Starostin, it is assumed to be related to Chinese. To prove the legitimacy of the affinity between the Russian and Chechen languages, more than 100 verb correspondences in them have been identified. In the second part of the article, as well as in the first, 50 verb correspondences are considered. The total number includes verbs of sound (“verba dicendi”), verbs of movement, verbs with the semantics of burning, verbs denoting labor actions, and verbs that are not included in one or another thematic group. Verbs are interesting given their belonging to the least permeable part of the vocabulary of the language. There are no Chinese correspondences in the article; it is proposed to supporters of the Sino-Caucasian theory of S. Starostin to identify verb parallels between Chinese and Chechen.

Keywords:

Introduction

Hypotheses about the relationship of the North Caucasian (NC), Sino-Tibetan (ST), and Proto-Yenisei (PE) language families, were expressed earlier. However, there was no scientific basis for their proof because this requires a combination of three conditions: the presence of a sufficient number of dictionary comparisons, a system of regular phonetic correspondences of the identified dictionary comparisons, and the amount of the so-called “basic vocabulary.” These requirements could not previously be met due to the lack of Proto-North Caucasian, Proto-Yenisei, and Proto-Sino-Tibetan reconstruction. At present, according to Starostin, they are, first of all, represented by the Etymological Dictionary of the North Caucasian Languages (Nikolayev & Starostin, 1994). The Proto-Yenisei and Proto-Sino-Tibetan reconstructions are not considered in the article since they are far from the scientific interests of this study. There are some doubts about the North Caucasian reconstruction on which the Sino-Caucasian theory is built. Consider the following Proto-Sino-Caucasian (PSC) roots, restored by Starostin and the authors of the article:

PSC *ɁiʒʒwV-n- ‘to drink’ (Nakh. *mala ‘drink’ ~ PIE. *mal-k ‘sip, drink, milk’)

PSC *ɁiGGwVr ‘dry’ (Nikolayev & Starostin, 1994) SC material allows restoring the protoform *-aq’- ‘dry’, ‘from ash’, Nakh. *j-aq'-in 'dry', 'from ash' < *jaq' 'ash', avar. raq' 'land, land', b-aq'v-aze 'to dry, dry'; Adyg. dyq'a 'frozen'.

Problem Statement

The hypothesis of the affinity of the North Caucasian, Sino-Tibetan, and Proto-Yenisei language families is based on a comparison of the reconstructed roots, the reliability of which regarding the Proto-Caucasian roots is doubtful in many cases (which is confirmed by the above examples). The reconstructed roots are not accompanied by specific lexical material, which could be used to check the plausibility of the reconstruction. Against the background of Chechen-Russian, and, more broadly, East Caucasian-Indo-European, parallels, Starostin's Sino-Caucasian rapprochements look rather unreliable, so the task of this article is to demonstrate this using the example of Russian-Chechen verb correspondences.

Research Questions

The subject of the paper, which consists of two parts, is more than 100 Russian-Chechen (in some cases Slavic-Chechen) verb parallels.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of the study is to detect a sort of affinity between the Nakh-Dagestan and Indo-European languages based on an analysis of their basic vocabulary in accordance with the Swadesh dictionary.

Research Methods

The article uses comparative-historical and comparative-typological study methods..

Findings

More than 100 lexical parallels between the Russian and Chechen languages have been identified, among which are (,,dial. ‘греметь’,«кашлять»), «сдирать кору»),ударить«портить»дрожать «скользить, кататься по льду»,«толкать»«качать»«нагибать»«встречатьжаждать («хныкать»«шипеть»), (кутитьдрожать«моросить»).

Of these 100 Russian-Chechen verbal parallels, 50 verbs are considered in the first part and 50 in the second part of the article. Many of the considered Chechen verbs change according to grammatical classes, and numbers, by changing the root vowel (in an inflectional way) to form aspect pairs of verbal action, all this excludes their borrowing from Russian or any other language.

The etymologies of the Russian бавить, бахорить, хабить / хибать, ховать, хинькать, судить etc. have been clarified.

Regular sound correspondences are established (б ~ б, в ~ в, г ~ г / г1, д ~ д, з ~ з, к ~ к / кх, л ~ л, м ~ м, р ~ р, с ~ с / ш, т ~ т / тхь, х ~ х, ц ~ ц) in the Nakh and Slavic languages.

1. Slavic * ‘leave to exist, let stay, be on time off, shirk’ in Rus., PIE. * ‘cut’ (Makovsky, 2004, p. 139) ~ Chechen ‘separate, separate from the family in property (about a married son)’, Ing. buvdala, Tush‘отделиться’, ‘отдельно’. Formation of the stem- //- ‘separate, independent’ (< *-) and the verb dala ‘become’. Related to Chechen‘сирота’, pl., Shugnan ‘widow, widower’. Nothing to do with the verb Rus. does not have to add.

2. Slavic * ‘burn hotly’, *bažiti // *bažati ‘hot desire’ (< *bagati ‘burn with desire’), Ukr. =, Rus. ‘ardently desire’, dial. ‘fire’, OHG. bahhan, E. bacan ‘bake’ (EDSL1), dial. beek ‘burn, shine’, Swed. baka, Dan. bage ‘bake’, Greek phogo ‘I fry’, PIE. ** ‘burn, bake’ (< *-). ~ Chechen ‘burn’, Tush), Avar. ‘bake’,, Gunz., Dargva‘burn’). Of particular interest is the fact that this verb in the Indo-European languages ​​also shows correspondences with another class indicator of the Nakh languages: Nakh * ‘burn’ ~. * ‘burn’ (Old Czech. dahneti, degneti, Lith. degu, degti ‘burn’, Germ. *daga ‘shine’, Avest. daga ‘burn’).

3. Rus. ‘talk, tell (fables, fictions)’, Bulg. ‘whisper incantations, spells (about a healer, sorcerer)’, bai, bai ‘heal with conspiracies’, Old Czech bati, baju ‘talk, invent’, Czech. bajeti ‘talk, tell)’, bajat’ ‘talk, tell (fairy tales)’, bajat ‘invent, tell fables’, v.-pud. baċ ‘tell (fables, fairy tales), talk nonsense’, n.-pud. bajaś ‘talk, tell’, Pol. bajaċ ‘to tell (fables or tales), to tell fables’, Slovin. bajac ‘tell (fables, fairy tales), talk nonsense’ (EDSL-1). ~ Nakh * ‘to chat, to talk, to tell stories, to talk nonsense’, present. baj'u, Chechen (Vagapov, 2019). Anikin also cites Bel. about ‘spread rumours, grind nonsense, idle talk, tell tales’; OE. bōian ‘boast’.

4. Slavic * ‘puff, goggle’, Bel. polessk. ‘strain with all your might’, Rus. dial., Serbo-Croat. ‘to stare’, Goth. uf-bauljan ‘inflate, inflate’, PIE. *- ‘вздуваться, напрягаться’. ‘to swell, to strain’. We also include OE here with a devocalization b-. pullian ‘pull’ (E. pull), Low.-Germ. pulen, Dat. dial. pulle ‘pull’ (Makovsky, 2004). ~ Nakh * ‘tension, inflate, charge’ (Chechen būla, Tush bulaⁿ).

5. Slavic, Rus., < ‘cut, bevel’ (not ‘bring’, contrary to traditional opinion), (< *brei < *bher); Kurd. birin ‘cut’, ‘wound’; G. dial. beren ‘beat’, OE. beran, ON. berja ‘to hit’, PIE. * // *- ‘cut, tear, tear’ (Makovsky, 2004). ~ Nakh *-cut, chop’‘I cut’‘I cut’: Chechen b-āra (bēr-i, bōr-u), Ing., Tush (Vagpaov, 2021). Toward the development of semantics ~ cf. Nakh ‘cut, tear’ (=-) ~ Rus., Rus. ~; Greek aireo ‘take’ ~ eryo ‘tear, pull out, grab’.

6. Rus. dial.‘strongly scratch’, ‘scratch, pinch’, Ukr. ‘to remove the turf’, slav. *dьrbati. ~ Chechen ‘to tear, inflame, unravel (wound, soul), anger, infuriate’ (Tush. ‘выстругать, обтесать’). All-Nakh class. verb ~ summing up the stems of (tear apart) and (make).

7. OCS, Rus., Lith. dáriti ‘do’ (< ‘cut, plan’), Avest. dar- ‘разрывать(ся), раскалывать(ся)’, Skrt. dar- ‘tear, divide, smash’ (Tsabolov, I, 273), ‘tear apart, split’ (Kochergina, SRS, 891), daras ‘crack, slit, hole’, drnati ‘splits’, Kurd. darinin ‘to scratch, scrape; dig; to plan’, Dari darau ‘mow down’, PIE. * ‘cut, hit’. ~ Nakh *d ‘cut, tear’: Chechen d Ing., Tush). Related to Tush ‘to plan, hew’, PIE. * ‘cut, tear’: Germ. *deran ‘tear’ (old E. teran), Slav. *dero, *dьrati, Kurd. dirin ‘tear’. To the connection of meanings cf. L. caedere ‘cut, chop’. As in many other cases, has correspondence in PIE. languages ​​and other class exponents-,-,- (see).

8. Slav. * maked. dial. ‘shred, cut with a blunt’, Upper Lusatian. dyrdac ‘to pinch, tear, pull’. ~ Chechen ‘to tear, inflame, rattle (wound, soul), anger, infuriate’, Tush ‘to plan, hew’). The addition of the stems of the (‘tear’) and (‘do’). See.

9. Rus. ‘make rubble masonry’, ‘building stone’, E. ‘put’ (Old. E. *putian // potian, E. potte), ‘build’. ~ Chechen б ‘pour; put, load on, pile up; build, erect a wall’, Tush, iter.. From a cultural and historical point of view, cf. Chechen ‘lay, put up a wall, erect, build’ ~ E. build ‘build’; Chechen ‘pour; lay, erect, build’ ~ ME. yoten ‘pour, pour’. Phonetically, the narrowing of the diphthong > in the Chechen language is typical for the present tense forms of verbs of the 1st conjugation: ‘make masonry’ ~ present. temp., ‘put on’ ~ ‘puts on’, ‘beat off’ ~ ‘beats off’.

10. Rus., Serbo-Croat. ‘inflate’ (EDSL3), Greek. ‘to blow, inflate’, MHG. bus ‘puffiness, swelling’, G. bausen ‘to swell, swell’, East Frisian. busen ‘make noise, buzz’, Norv. fusa ‘to whistle’, føysa ‘to pout’ < *fausian (Fasmer, 1973). ~ Chechen ‘inflate, pump up’ (Ing., Tush ‘inflate’ < *bousan, ‘inflate’ < *beusan), haid. ‘puffy’, ‘puff up’. Noteworthy is the complete similarity of the Nakh proto-forms * // * // * с PIE. *- // *- // *- ‘to blow, inflate’. Related to Rus. from * < *- (Fasmer, 1967). See paragraph 18.

11. Rus., Bulg. ‘to prick’, ‘to butt; sting’, Serbo-Croat. ‘to tingle, to walk slowly’, old. ‘pungere’, Svt. bodat’ ‘колоть’, badkat’ ‘to prick’, badkat' 'to take small steps, push’ (EDSL2), Czech. bodati ‘prick, sting, butt’; OPrus. boadis ‘prick’, L. fodio ‘prick’ (Shansky, 1965), PIE. *- // *- ‘stab, poke, butt’ (Kadagidze & Kadagidze, 1984). ~ Chechen b ‘go; enter (into a solid mass), steak in’, Tush ‘leave’.

12. Rus. чеш. valiti ‘to roll’, Slov. val’at’ ‘to bring down (trees)’, Skrt. valati ‘turns’, OHG. wuolen ‘dig up, uproot’, PIE. * ‘to bend, to bring down; turn, roll’. ~ Chechen ‘put down, dump’, Tush villa. . The original Nakh form ~ *, cf. dial. valli, oħavalli ‘dumped, put down’. Semantically cf. Chechen karča // kierča ‘to roll’, karčo // kierčo ‘to roll’ with Rus., Slavic *koriti ‘to writhe, twist’, *kъrčь ‘stump, block, uprooted tree’.

13. Polab. ‘breathe’, Bulg. ‘breathe, smell’, Serbo-Croat. ‘to blow, smell from the mouth, stink’,, Maked. ‘breathe’, Rus. dial. ‘to cough strongly; have fun noisily; hit’’, ‘sigh heavily, groan loudly’, Rus. dial. ‘speak; speak plaintively, moan’ (EDSL5), Slavic *dvoxati ‘breathe heavily, puff, choke (from illness), cough’ (Anikin, 281). ~ Chechen‘to take out, extract, produce (into the light), hatch (chicks); pronounce (sounds, words), speak, repeat; make sighs, breathe, emit (smell) ', present. dōxu, Tush dāxaⁿ, sa dāxaⁿ ‘breath’ (Kadagidze & Kadagidze, 1984). In both groups of languages, there is a similar alternation of vowels ( ~) and consonants ( ~ *- ‘lower the chamber of the wheel; empty’). The concept of is associated with the concept (see paragraph 14), so агул., крыз., бодух., хин. ‘fast, quick’ can be used for comparison.

14. Rus. dial. ‘for a long time, stubbornly sit over smth.’ ‘to be for a long time, to be somewhere, waiting for someone to do something’, Bulg. ‘to lie in wait’, dial. ‘sits lurking’, ‘observe imperceptibly’, Serbo-Croat. ‘to lie in wait for (game, prey on the hunt)’, Polish. dubac ‘to lie in wait, creep up’, Slavic *debeti ‘to lie in wait’ (EDSL4). ~ Chechen taba ‘hide’, iter. ‘stalking, spying’, Ing.. The same group of words include etymologically dark E. thief, голл. dief, OHG. diob ‘thief’.

15. Rus., Polish. dziergac ‘to tie, tighten a knot’, zadziergnąć ‘to bind’, dzierzyc ‘держать’, Czech. rare drhati ‘to tie, tighten a knot’, Avest. darэzayeiti ‘binds’, dэrэz ‘connection, bonds’, PIE. * // *- ‘pull, hold, tie’ (EDSL5). ~ Chechen‘belt’, d(Itum. dierka), Tush‘to tie’. It should be noted that the sound complex Chechen Lith. language in highland dialects corresponds to --, for example: ‘to dig’ (= Hittite ‘'to divide the land by a canal’), // ‘ridge’ (= PIE. *‘horn’, L. arcus ‘arch’), // ‘land’ (= PIE. * ‘outlying area’).

16. Slavic * ‘to milk’, Latv. det ‘suck’, Goth. daddjan ‘breastfeed’ ~ Chechen‘to milk’, Tush. In connection with the technology of milking from ‘бить’ (meaning ‘beat on the udder, beat with a jet’). Relatedly Tush ‘cash cow’, Chechen ‘cow’, ‘oil’, Slavic *dětь ‘children’ < ‘milking (mother), breastfeeding, suckers’.

17. Czech dial. ‘to nurse’, Kasub. dergac ‘to tremble’ (Shansky, 1965). ~ Chechen ‘sway’, dial., Tush- ‘shake’), iter. ‘sway, wiggle’, Tush. Separate correspondences in the Dagestan languages, cf. Avar. ‘to tremble’, ‘to startle’. By alternating cf. above, to the interruption ~:.

18; ORus. ‘find’, Rus., OSlav. ‘find, meet’ (Fasmer, 1964). ~ Chechen ‘‘smell, notice’. Addition of the stem and auxiliary verb with recurrence semantics. Etymological meaning ‘to meet, to collide’ is supported by Chechen ‘to meet’, ‘to notice’ from ‘to collide’. This probably includes OHG. stoβan, Germ. stoβen II ‘to bump into someone, to meet someone by chance’. Kurd. tūš ‘meeting’, tūš būn ‘to meet’ Tsabolov (II, 420) considers borrowed from Turk. tuš- ‘to meet, to come across, to come together, to stumble, to collide’ (TES, III, 303).

19. Rus., Kash. zalowac ‘to regret’, ULuzh. zelic ‘mourn, mourn’, OSlav. ‘mourn’, Bulg. ‘mourn, regret’, OHG. quēlan ‘suffer from pain’, quāla ‘torment’. From ‘provoking compassion’. Related to (Fasmer, 1967; 1973) ~ Chechen ‘mourn, regret’ (Gadaev М.) from ‘pity’. Related to ‘shrink, pretend to be unhappy, try to arouse compassion’ <

20. Rus., (Fasmer, 1967; Shansky, 1965). ~ Chechen ‘salary, payment for work; reward, reward’ (Maciev, 1961), ‘give a reward’. This word is also represented in Turkic. languages: ‘salary, payment for work; reward’ (ЭСТЯ 85). This does not include Slavic verbs with the semantics ‘complain, regret, regret’.

21. Rus ‘look’, ‘look out’, ‘stare’, ‘look from above, down’, Bel. ‘look at, examine’, Slavic *‘see’, *zьreti ‘to see’ (Fasmer, 1967). ~ Chechen ‘test, check, see’, Ing.‘observe, notice, track down, supervise, notice’, Tush ‘try’. It is interesting to note the Russian derivative forms ‘eyes’ and() with a nasal, corresponding to the Chechen at the stem of the infinitive. The expander in *zьreti can be explained as suf. masdara in Chechen ‘inspection, observation’ (<). Typologically similar cases, in our opinion, also take place in Rus., corresponding to Chechen <.

22. Rus.; Bulg., ‘I wish, I demand’, Serbo-Croatian, ‘seek, wish’, Maked. ‘want’, OIran. ēšati ‘I am looking for’, Avest. isaiti, Skrt. iccháti ‘seeks, desires’, OHG. eisken (Germ. heischen), OE. аscian ‘seek, ask, demand’, PIE. * ‘wish, want, seek, demand’ (EDSL8) ~ Chechen ‘to suffer a loss, defeat, lose’, ‘to have a need, to be required, to need’, Tush. (Kadagidze & Kadagidze, 1984).

23. Proto-Slavonic *, Rus., L. celare ‘hide’, OIrish celim, OHG. helan ‘hide’, PIE. * ‘hide, cover with paint’. This also includes L. caleo ‘burn’, Germ. hell ‘shiny’. ~ Chechen ‘to cover with a layer; gild, silver’, Tush ‘to be put on, covered’. Cf. also Rus. and Chechen qālina ‘decorated, covered with a shiny layer’.

24. Slavic * (< ProtoSlav. *keit-), Czech. dial. ist ‘think, believe’, Rus.,,,, Latv. kietu ‘think’, Skrt. čittis ‘thinking, understanding’, četati ‘thinks, cognizes, understands; comes to consciousness’, Old Iran. kait- ‘think about’, ‘keep in mind’,. ‘teach’, Avest. isti ‘knowledge, understanding’, Osset. k’ityn // ask’etun ‘wake up, regain consciousness’ (Abaev, 1959: ON. geđ, Norv. gjed ‘consciousness’), PIE. *- // *- ‘think, understand’ (Fasmer, 374-375; EDSL4: 119). ~ Nakh *: Chechen ‘hit, run into, meet; achieve, understand, realize’, Tush, Chechen ‘concept, understanding; consciousness’, to come to consciousness’. In the same series, considered Osset. g’ityn // igetun: igitt ‘do not decide, do something, be indecisive’, which considers as an additional argument in favor of convergence of these stems not only with OE. ‘get, reach’ (E.), ‘kill’ (“the concept of a blow is connected with the concept of achievement” (Makovsky, 2004), but also OE. ‘clear up, hit, meet’ (E. hit ‘hit the target; bump into;. reach’), ON. hitta, Germ. *kittan // *kiettan. To the transition ie ~ i ср. Chechen ~ ‘understood; hit; encountered’.

25. Rus. ‘get excited, bully, cock’, Serbo-Croat. kiša ‘rain’, kišnuti ‘get wet, soaked’, kysnoti ‘get sour, fermented’, Isl. geysa ‘spew’, ON. kiss ‘bubble in liquid’, E. cheese (Berneker, 678, Buck, 68). PIE. *- ‘throw’ (Makovsky, 2004). ~ Chechen, iter. ‘pump air with bellows, squirt, vomit’. Hence Chechen qissa ‘throw, shoot’, ‘1. jump, bounce; 2. get excited, bully, cock.' Original form ~ср. бац. ‘throw’;

26. Slavic, Rus.,, dial. ‘wine, cry’, ‘‘become cloudy, become covered with clouds’, ltsh. kusat ‘boil’, kusuls ‘spring’, PIE. * ‘hiss, wander, sprinkle, sour, ferment’, Skrt. kvathati ‘wanders’, Isl. gaus, geysa ‘gush, spew’. ~ Chechen ‘splash, squirt’ (Ing., Tush‘throw away’). Historically, the original vowel of the root in the Nakh languages ​​is, so for the verb pairwe have the correlative ‘blow, wave’, for the pair ‘pass’, therefore, for the pair, so it is possible to reconstruct the ProtoNakh *, which correlates with Skrt. kasate, OLith. kosti, kosiu ‘I cough’ (Gamkrelidze & Ivanov, 1984), Rus. (< ‘coughing, puffing food’),.

27. Slavic * ‘throw out, splash out’, ON. skiota ‘shoot’, skiotask ‘rush at the smb’, OHG. sciozan ‘jump up, jump; (rapidly) rush; shoot’, OE. scotian ‘shout’, Alb. qes, aorist qita ‘throw out, pour out’; Irish cithim ‘pour out’, cioth ‘rainstorm’ (Makovsky, 2004). ~ Chechen ‘throw; blurt out, shoot’, Tush ‘throw, pimple’, ‘throw, shoot’, ‘throw’ (Kadagidze & Kadagidze, 1984). Form to, directly ascending to, as- ‘warm’ to ’hot’. Semantically cf. Irish cioth ‘rainstorm’ at Chechen ‘rainstorm’, lit. ‘rain falling as if thrown out’. It is interesting to note a similar alternation in Indo-European and Nakh (Batsbi) forms.

28. Slavic ‘go on a rampage, to debauch’, lat. gerro ‘joker’, garire ‘talk’, PIE. *- ‘shout’. ~ Chechen‘have fun, walk’,, Ing. ‘have fun, walk’ (Vagapov, 2021). Further, perhaps related to Avar., Andy, Cham.-, Bagv.- ‘dance’. The semantic development probably took place in the direction from the meaning ‘to go on a spree, to have fun, to rejoice’ to the meaning ‘to have fun, to walk’, cf. Rus. in the figurative meaning of ‘noisy fun’.

29. Slavic *(from the form *), Rus. dial. ‘strongly hit’, ‘click, clang’, ‘rush to run’, ‘abyss’, Bel. dial. ‘hit; abyss’, Bulg. dial. ‘hit, slap on a naked body or on the surface of a liquid; splash’, Slovene leskniti ‘click’, Bel. dial. ‘rattle’, * (< *). ~ Chechen ‘drive, drive away, run away’, Tush (1) ‘drive, drive away’, (2) ‘beat, wave (arms, legs)’. The form to (см.). The sound complex of the of the Nakh languages in Indo-European languages ​​sometimes corresponds -- (see). In verbal stems, it often has an iterative (repetitive) meaning. The initial semantics of – ‘drive, making noise (with shouts, blows, etc.)’. Semantically cf. Skrt. ghanas ‘club’ – Rus.,; Rus. ‘baton’ // ‘pole for bogging fish’ – ‘beat, knock, scare the fish with stick blows on the water’.

30. Slavic * (Bulg. dial. ‘hit, spank’, Rus. dial. ‘beat, whip, making noise, loud sounds’, ‘clap, crack a whip’, voiced variant of Rus. dial. ‘run’, ‘walk fast, spank in the mud’), * (Serbo-Croat. dial.’ ‘clap’, Pol. dial. laskac` ‘clap’, Rus. dial. ‘click, knock’, ‘clap with a whip’), Slav. * (Rus. dial. ‘clap, click, knock, splash’, ‘beat wings in one place’, ‘flutter, beat, throw up’, ‘play, splash’). ~ Chechen ‘drive, drive away, scare’, Tush (1) ‘drive, drive (herd)’, (2) ‘beat, wave (arms, legs)’. The form to (see). Semantically cf. Rus.,.

31. Rus. ‘crave’, Czech lakati ‘beckon, seduce’, Pol. laknac` ‘hungry, longing’, Ukr. ‘greedy, lustful’; OGreek lao, loo, len ‘want’, Afghan. ‘desire’ (Fasmer, 1967), PIE. *- : *- ‘wish, want’ (Dzhaukyan, 1963). ~ Chechen ‘wish, want’, Ing., Tush. The protoform can be reconstructed as *. The change of stops is noted in the Nakh and Dagestan languages, cf. Chechen ‘food’ ~ ‘feed’, Tush ‘food’; Chechen ~ Tush ‘to be sufficient’; Chechen ‘four’ from (Udin. *, Tab.).

32. Slavic * ‘clean; tint, polish; whiten, peel off the top layer’, *liati ‘to be bright, catchy; rub, wipe, rub’: Bulg. dial. ‘rub, wipe’, Maked. ‘paint, decorate’, Slovene liiti ‘beautify, decorate, clean, polish’, Czech. ličiti ‘color, make up, paint’, Rus. dial. ‘rip off a bast from a tree’ and ‘wash linen’ (EDSL16). ~ Chechen ‘bathe, wash’, Tush lič’aⁿ ‘peel and cut off the skin’, leč’aⁿ ‘clean’). From here, apparently, comes the etymologically dark Kab., Adyg. ‘wipe, clean’.

33. Rus. ‘smolder, roam; dry slowly; become watery’, dial. ‘wasting away, becoming flabby, losing freshness; soften up’, Slovenian. madlo, mada ‘keeping fruits until fully ripe’, maditi, mediti ‘let fruits lie down so that they become soft and sweet’ (= Chechen), L. madeo, madere ‘‘be wet, ooze; soften’, madidus ‘soft, softened’, PIE. *- ‘moist; soft; soften’ (Pokorny, 1959). ~ Chechen ‘soften, become juicy (about fruits), ripen’; Tush‘let (to) ripen, to ripen’ (Kadagidze & Kadagidze, 1984). Formed with the help of the suffixoid gave (become, become) from the basis of adj.-, presented in Chechen ‘soft, juicy’ (<).

34. Bel. dial. ‘drizzle’, Ukr. ‘small frequent rain’, Rus. dial. ‘cloud’, ‘cloudy’ (Makovsky, 2004). ~ Chechen‘pour out, overflow’, Tush ‘spill, shed, scatter (grain)’, Iter. ‘spill, scatter’ (Kadagidze & Kadagidze, 1984), Ing.‘spill’, ‘pours light’, ‘rain pours on the ground’, ‘shed a lot of blood’. On the alternation of the complexes in the Chechen language, see above.

35. Rus.; OE. fyr, ON. fur, Tokh. А por, Greek pyr, Arm. hur ‘fire’ (Makovsky, 2004). ~ Chechen ‘. quickly jumping up, jumping up, taking off’, ‘fluttering’. A semi-onomatopoeic word formed by the addition of interjectional and ‘having said’, literally ‘having said, making (sound)’. Commonly used in combination with the verb ‘jump’. Close in meaning to Archin parx-bos, Lak parx-t’un ‘take off’, Abkh. prə, Ubykh pərə ‘fly’, Udin pur-pesun ‘fly’, Lak ‘flutter’ (Khajdakov, 1973), Dargva Megeb, Cudakh., Avar. ‘lightning’, Andy, Akhv, Botl. God., Bagv., Gunz. ‘lightning’. To the connection of meanings сf. Rus. ~ ON. myln ‘fire’.

36. Slovenian ‘flicker’, Ltsh. saiguoties ‘shine’, Skt. soka, Iran. *sauk ‘burn’, Avest. saok, Toh. B tsak-, Avest. saok, Sog. sok, Parf. sok, Hotanosak. sujs, Osset. *sugyn ‘burn’, PIE. *- ‘burn’. ~ Chechen ‘light up, shine, flare up’, Iter. ‘shine, radiate’, Ing.‘ignite’, Buduh. ‘burn’, ‘burn’. Related to Chechen / ( ‘lamp’. Interesting resemblance to Germ. sengen ‘burn’, which is related to PIE root *- ‘cut, carve’ (Makovsky, 2004).

37. Rus., Lat. sedeo, sedare ‘sit; sit deeply, sit down; settle, sit down; to creep along the ground (about plants); calm down, lie down’, E. set ‘sit down, set about the sun; warp’, sit, sat ‘sit, plant, place’. ~ Chechen ‘bent down, bend over; to bend, to bend; settle down, sink down’, Iter., ‘twist your mouth, warp’, trans.. The direction of the search is given‘so that you don’t straighten up’, ‘so that you don’t straighten up’, ‘to bend over; squat’, indicating that the meanings of ‘stand up-sit down’ evolve from the meanings of ‘straight up ~ bend over’. On the semantics of ‘settle, sag’ cf. also E. setter, saddle, G. sattel ‘saddle’; saddle’, Rus.. In terms of word formation, the causative forms ‘bend, bend’ and ‘bend’, are indicative, identical in form to Germ. * ‘sit down’ (OE. sattan, AS. sattian), * ‘sit down’ (OE. settan, AS. settian). Causative Suf. -jan in both groups of languages ​​(Germanic and Nakh) goes back to the verb jan ‘do’, with another class indicator d- present in Nakh dan ‘do’, Germ. *don ‘do’ (< *dan).

38. Rus. / Tulsk./, Bulg. ‘I think’, ‘I look’, Serbo-Croat. mòtriti ‘look, think’, Lith. matyti ‘look’, mintis ‘thought’, Ltsh. matù ‘feel’, matit ‘notice, feel’, PIE. * ‘think, believe, imagine’, *- ‘feel, sense’: Skrt. mata ‘considered, supposed, thought (meaning)’, Goth. munds ~ ditto, L. (com)mentus ‘invented’ (Fasmer, 1967; EDSL2) ~ Chechen ‘think, believe, seem, imagine’, Tush. Initial form is confidently restored on the basis of the Chechen dial. ‘thinking’ (<), akk. ‘having appeared’, ‘for appearance’ (Arsakhanov, 1959). It is interesting to note that the element -- in Slav. forms reminiscent of Chechen suf. масдара - in ‘thinking, representation’, which finds an analogy in a Slav. * ‘взирать’ ~ Nakh * ‘look’ from‘look, see, inspect’.

39. Rus. ‘make a judgment’,, Lat. studеre ‘study carefully’, studium ‘attention, study’, Italian studiare ‘study, examine, investigate’, ON. thyda ‘explain, designate’, OE. ge-thiedan ‘translate’, OHG. diuten ‘explain, translate’, Skrt. didheti ‘observe, think, meditate’, Afg. ‘observe, see’. ~ Chechen ‘interpret, explain, elucidate’ (dial., Tush ‘cut, decide’), ‘observation, attention’, ‘observe, notice’. Etymologically related to Chechen ‘cut’ > ‘disassemble (in all details), analyze (in great detail)’ > ‘explain’, Hurry tid- ‘divide, distribute’, Urartu did- ‘divide, separate’, didaie ‘share’ (Dzhaukyan, 1963), ON. tidh, OE. tid, нидер. tijd ‘time’ < ‘notch’, OE. tīdan, getīdan ‘to happen’ < ‘to occur in time’, PIE. * ‘cut’ (EngEtym. 493; Makovsky, 2004).

40. OCS. ‘hiss’, Bulg., Slovenian susati ‘suspect’ < ‘hiss, grumble, grumble (behind the eyes), OHG. suson ‘hiss, buzz’, Germ. sausen ‘make noise, whistle’, Munj. šiš ‘light’, Skrt. śvas- ‘breathe, puff’, PIE. ***(Abaev, II 381; Edelman, 1986). ~ Nakh *, iter. *Chechen ‘взбиться, вспучиться, подойти (о тесте), закваситься; надуться’, Tush, Chechen iter.‘fluff up, swell up, come up (about the dough), leaven; pout’, Tush ‘pout; rise (about the dough)’ (Kadagidze & Kadagidze, 1984).

41. Rus. * ‘force to get better’, Czech otaviti se ‘get better’ (Shansky, 1965), Skrt. tavĩti ‘he is strong’, táviși ‘strength, power’, PIE. *- // *- ‘gain strength, grow fat’, ‘swell up’ (Makovsky, 2004). ~ Chechen ‘correct; heal’, ‘be healed, get better, become better’. The addition of the stems of ‘please; go for the future’ and ‘make’ // ‘become’. The variant; most likely, appeared as a result of the labialization of the root vowel ( > >). Bringing together with Chechenв ‘otava’, Osser. taw ‘otava’, Ukr., Lith. atolas ‘otava’ (cf. Chechen ‘getting better’). Through Chechen ‘put in order, repair, correct; heal, cure’ OE. ‘cook’ (E. taw) can be attributed to the same group of words, Goth. ‘order’, ‘put in order’, ‘do’. Phonetically cf. Chechen ‘circle, circumference’ (< *gau) with Goth. gaw ‘county’, OHG. gawa, G. Gau ‘district, region’.

42. Rus., Slovak. tiskat’ ‘push, forge, press’, Slavic *tiskati (Fasmer, 1973). ~ Chechen iter. ‘squeeze in, stick in, stuff’ (Ing. dixka, Tush deblaⁿ), pl. douxka ‘put in, squeeze in’. The sound complex of the Nakh languages in Indo-European languages sometimes corresponds to --, cf. also Nakh laxka / liexka ‘drive, making noise (shouts, blows)’ ~ Slav. * / *, Rus. dial. ‘beat, whip, making noise’, ‘hit hard, click’, ‘rush to run’; Nakh‘tie up’ ~ Skrt. veskas ‘strangling noose’, OHG. wisk ‘straw tow’.

43. Rus. ‘толкать, колотить’,, Bel. ‘poke, push’, Ukr. ‘touch, push’, Slovak trčati ‘poke’, strčit’ ‘push, stick’ (Fasmer, 1971)~ Chechen//‘stick in; push, sell’.

44. Rus.-Church Slavic, Rus. ‘spoil’, ‘roughness on the road’ < ‘make the road uneven, travel, slash’, Ukr. ‘destroy, spoil’, Bulg. ‘damage’, Czech ochabiti ‘deprive of strength’, ochabnouti ‘become sluggish’, chaby ‘sluggish, cowardly’, Pol. chaba ‘nag’ (Fasmer, 1973). ~ Chechen‘wrinkle, shrink, shrink, curl’, Ing. xoba. Getting closer to Karat. ‘reduce, tighten; wrinkle; gather (fabric)’, ‘wrinkled’. The Nakh material speaks in favor of the deviated connection with Rus. с, сf. Chechen ~ iter..

45. Rus. ‘swing, shake’, ‘fold, wrinkle’, Ukr., Czech ‘doubt, hesitate’, Slovak ‘err, make a mistake’, Pol. ‘sway’. ~ Chechen. ‘wrinkle, shrink, shrivel’, ‘wrinkles’. Semantic differences are within the limits of explainable: ‘bend, deviate (from the norm)’ > 1. ‘curvature, fold, wrinkle’, 2. ‘retreat, error’, 3. ‘hesitation, doubt’.

46. Rus. ‘inclined, bent’,, Ukr.,‘bend’, ‘bend down’,, ‘reject, move away’, ‘evade’, Pol. pochyly ‘oblique, sloping’, chylic` ‘tilt’ (Fasmer, 1973). ~ Chechen‘be; happen; turn out; become, ripen’, Tush. The etymological meaning of the word ‘grow, branch off, deviate’ is still felt in prefixes like ‘move away’, ‘move away’. Vasmer also refers Rus. ‘weak’, but the corresponding Chechen ‘frail, weak’ (<) is not related to Chechen.

47. Rus. ‘whine, cry, act up’,, Ukr. (Fasmer, 1973) ~ Chechen ‘sob, hiccup’,‘hiccup, sob’, lit. ‘make. An onomatopoeic word present in Dagestan (Avar ‘fear, fright’, ‘hare’, Gin., Bezht., Сez., Khin. ‘fear’ and Slavic languages: Rus.,, Bulg. ‘I hiccup’, UL hikać, LS hykaś ‘hiccup’ (Fasmer, 1973). The concepts of ‘hiccup, stutter’ and ‘be scared, be afraid; hare’ are often interrelated, cf. Rus. ~, Lezg. ‘hare’ ~ Chechen qiera ‘be afraid’.

48. Rus. ‘hide, store’, Ukr., Czech chovati ‘hide, keep, nurse’, Pol. chowac’ ‘hide, store, feed’ (Fasmer, 1973). ~ Chechen ‘fit in’. Considering the alternationin the stems of the Slavic languages, we also include here the etymologically dark Rus., Bulg. ‘I put it in’, Czech souvati ‘move, poke’; Lith. šáuti, šáuju, šóviau ‘put (bread in the oven)’ (Fasmer, 1971). Cf. also exchange from Chechen ‘poke, stick in’ = Rus.Chechen ‘feel, believe’ (Rus.) ~ Lat. sentio, sentire ‘feel; believe’, and to the interruption Chechen ‘thigh, croup’ ~ Georgianid.

49. Greek ‘I patch, shoemaker’ (Attic. xatt-), xassimo ‘repair’, Rus.; ,,, ‘place of connection’, ‘make narrower in one place, squeeze’, ‘narrowed place of a thing; waist, part of the body in the lower back where the waist narrows’ (Fasmer, 1973) ~ Chechen ‘connect, dock’ (Tush хотIтIа^н), iter. ‘connect, link, glue’ (Tush), ‘waist; assembly at the waist’, ‘joints’.

50. Rus., Pol. pryskac` ‘splash; scatter (with a bang)’, Latv. prušluot ‘snort, sniff’, prauslat ‘splash, snort’, OIce. frysa ‘snort’, Swedish frusa ‘splash’, Skrt. prusyati ‘splashes’, Tokh. А pars- ‘spray; motley’, Tokh. В praççiye ‘downpour’, Hitt. papparš ‘wet; spray’ (Fasmer, 1971). ~ Chechen ‘sprinkle’ (< *), iter.(< *). Related to Skrt. pŗşni ‘variegated, spotted’, pŗşant ‘spotted, splashed’, Persian pars, fars ‘panther’, Hittite parš-ana ‘motley’, ‘leopard’, PIE. *- ‘variegated, spotted’ (Fasmer, 1971). ~ Chechen (< *pħarsiⁿ) ‘blond’, ‘red’, ‘sneeze’.

51. Rus., Ukr., OHG. sciuhen ‘frighten’, MHG. sciech ‘timid’ (Fasmer, 1973) ~ Chechen ‘scold, shush’, derived from suf. - from the related stem, represented in iter. ‘scold, shout’. The form is represented in ‘scorch, tar; scare, shout’. Derivative with suf. - from stem, corresponding to Rus., ‘puke, tear’, ‘splash’.

Conclusion

Summing up the results, it can be concluded that more than 100 lexical parallels between the Russian and Chechen languages have been identified, among which are (,,dial. ‘греметь’,«кашлять»), «сдирать кору»),ударить«портить»дрожать «скользить, кататься по льду»,«толкать»«качать»«нагибать»«встречатьжаждать («хныкать»«шипеть»), (кутитьдрожать«моросить»).

Regular sound correspondences, similar root ablaut (), (sour – khavsa, sour – khiisa), correspondences in class verbs, general semantic patterns, relations of additional distribution of some bases, and the number of verb parallels indicate the affinity of the Russian and Chechen languages. The conclusion that “from the point of view of comparative historical linguistics, Chechen and Russian languages ​​are one of the most distant in origin” is recognized as untenable, as well as the statement that “Russian belongs to the Slavic branch of the Indo-European language family. Chechen is included in the Nakh-Dagestan language family, the classification position of which is debatable. The famous linguist, Sergei Starostin, included the Nakh-Dagestan languages ​​in the North Caucasian superfamily, which, in turn, is included in the Sino-Caucasian macrofamily. These languages, according to linguists, have nothing in common with Indo-Europeans even at the level of a hypothetical Eurasian family that split 15 thousand years ago. Thus, if the Chechen and Russian languages ​​had common ancestral languages, they existed even earlier.”

References

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