Indian Women During the Japanese Occupation in Malaya, 1941-1945

Spirit of ‘Nationalism’ among Indian Women

Although Indians had to endure a series of problems during the Japanese occupation, they also benefitted from Japanese overtures through efforts to liberate the homeland from colonial rule. For some women hardships were part of their lives during the Japanese occupation. However, they made efforts to improve themselves when opportunities came knocking. They took on a greater number of jobs compared to pre-war years. Additionally, the Japanese viewed women as a propaganda tool and made them the subjects of projects to improve the Malayan work culture (Musa, 2016). The Japanese used slogans like “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere” and “Asia for Asians” to evoke a strong sense of nationalism among Indians in Malaya to fight for Indian liberation.

Towards the end of 1943, the Japanese began to encourage more women to join the workforce. This started with the use of Japanese women as appropriate models for Malayan women to imbibe (Syonan Shimbun, 1944, August 24). In an article printed in the Syonan Times entitled “Through the eyes of women of Nippon”, Japanese women were depicted as supporting the war by caring for the family, availing themselves to move forward, and courageously aiding the war efforts (Syonan Times, 1942, October 16). Malayan women were admonished to be well-refined spouses. In similar vein, they were urged to be versatile, adaptable to the environment, and to get things done during harsh occasions (Syonan Times, 1942, October 20). A similar article proposed women to reinvigorate their lives to help realise the goals of Greater East Asia. 'Emulate Japanese Women' became a renowned catchphrase in Malayan social gatherings. It featured the wartime changes of Japanese women to expect heavier responsibilities (Syonan Shimbun, 1944, January 25).

Accordingly, the Indian Independent League (IIL) was established. IIL was a political organisation set up by Indian nationalists from Southeast Asia in 1928. Its main purpose was to oppose British rule in India. IIL was led by Ras Behari Bose. After IIL had gained attention, a military movement called the Indian National Army (INA) was established. It was led by Colonel Mohan Singh. By February 1942, IIL branches were located in Kedah, Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, Penang, and Singapore with membership estimated total at 84,700. By September 1942, memberships had ballooned to 120,000 while INA recruits stood at 16,000 by the end of 1942 (Dancz, 1987 & Datta, 2016).

Due to leadership issues and relatively weak goals, IIL and INA were getting less attention from the Indian community after 1942. After the appointment of the charismatic nationalist Subhas Chandra Bose as IIL leader, support from Indians increased tremendously. Subhas Chandra Bose was a radical nationalist and Congress party leader in India at one time. In July 1943, he became the President of IIL and Commander-In-Chief of INA. In October 1943, he set up an Indian provisional government known as Azad Hind, and this government had declared war on Britain and the United States. It received recognition from Japan, Germany, and Italy (Hills & Silverman, 1993).

As the movement was not based on caste, social class, gender, and political ideology, the IIL organisation received encouraging support from both male and female Indians in Malaya. Subhas Chandra Bose introduced 12 departments under the IIL and 12 ministries in his provisional government with one ministry dedicated to women. It was led by Lt. Col. Lakshmi Swaminathan, a 30-year-old female doctor from Singapore (Lebra Chapman, 2008, p. 75).

The establishment of the Rani of Jhansi Regiment, a women’s military force under the INA, became a reality when Indian women supported Subash Chandra Bose’s move. Indian women considered its establishment as a form of respect for women. Bose believed the role of women was crucial in realising India’s liberation from colonial rule. This was noted in 1943 during the inauguration of this regiment in Singapore:

‘if women are given a chance to play their part, they will prove the equal of their brothers in fighting for their country’ (Syonan Shimbun, 1943, October 23).

The call was well received by Indian women in Malaya and Singapore. It was estimated more than 2,000 Indian women had declared to join the unit after hearing this speech. One former female soldier of the Rani Jhansi, Janaki Nahappan estimated 1,000 women had joined. They comprised mostly of educated women. However, there were Indian female labourers who had joined the unit and fought alongside doctors, teachers, and nurses. The participation of these women showed an awareness of emancipation and the spirit of nationalism among Indian women in Malaya. This was proven through voluntary participation of elite and non-elite women to liberate India from British rule (Padzil, 2016).

However, uncertainty lingered in many historians’ minds as to what was the real cause that led to Bose’ decision to form the regiment. Some claimed it was a set up to get support from the men while for others, it was mere propaganda. Although Bose was said to be in favour of gender equality in engaging women to achieve Indian independence, his actions were often linked to a political agenda. One view claimed that women’s emancipation was never Bose’s primary goal as his real aim was Indian independence. This is seen from the perspective of K.R Menon who was a former IIL senior officer:

‘The Rani of Jhansi Regiment was a mere puppet show. And not a single women knew how to wield a knife properly. They knew how to wield the kitchen knife, but not the knife for the battle. And they had no other source because every day this propaganda going on and asking Indian women to come and join. They are not going to fight, you know, but they are going to do other services for the army – the regular army…’ (K.R. Menon, 1982)

Another view pointed out that Bose’s oratory skills had attracted many women towards him, and some of them were ever willing to donate jewellery: “if the women were wearing jewellery, she took off all their jewellery and gave it to him” (Singh, 1984).

However, this view was disputed by women themselves including elites who held high positions in the regiment. One of them Dato’ Rasammah Bhupalan posited the establishment of this regiment was to show that women would also play an important role in the liberation of the homeland, striving hand in hand with the men. She also pointed out when Indian men who had previously joined the British army saw their womenfolk willing to leave their families and march into battle for the country’s future, the men would feel guilty (Gopinath, 2007). Datta (2015) quoted her opinion on the reason behind the involvement of Indian women from the estates in the Rani of Jhansi Regiment,

‘Many of them hadn’t even heard of India’s national independence movement. They were uneducated, they were totally exploited. They were in misery. They were not aware of certain things that were taking place, but they were aware of Gandhi…. Because of the extreme deprivation they had, it was easy for them to understand that they were in a slave situation and enslaved from dawn to dusk. And even in their families. When Netaji spoke of being ‘free’ they were moved. Because of the extreme exploitation and deprivation they faced, they were able to understand what freedom from such an enslaved situation would be. Even in their families, their husbands tended to be the ‘lord’ of their lives … but there came a movement that proved that they were humans and had rights. Netaji gave them the status for which they could give their lives …. For estate women it was a bonanza, it was a new world, a rainbow….’ (p. 101).

According to Dr Sahgal, the Indian community in Southeast Asia at that time consisted of people living with numerous disadvantages and did not hold high positions. They were mainly labourers in rubber estates, workers in the Public Works Department, clerks, and office assistants. Based on their confidence in Bose’s intentions, nearly 1000 women joined this regiment to attain Indian independence. Supporting Rasammah Bhupalan’s view, Dr Sahgal admitted that coolie women were truly treated like animals. These subaltern women were mishandled and used by the men in the estates to fulfil different needs. Joining the regiment made these women feel 'human' with added value instead of being sexual objects or workers. Dr Sahgal pointed out the part where Bose asserted in his speech on the importance of women’s participation in the homeland freedom movement. The freedom that they wanted to achieve was not merely the freedom of the land, but also freedom for themselves, “…now this is their chance not only to get the freedom of the country but to get their own emancipation” (Sahgal, 1990). Dr Tan Ban Cheng, a former student of St. Joseph Institution also supports Dr Sahgal’s view. He used to watch the women during training since the regiment started using the playground opposite his school for training purposes. He reminiscence,

‘Well, they seemed to be very proud of themselves. And they used to walk with a sort of swagger because we were all living under very sort of poor condition. And then they were well provided away with nice uniforms and they were well-fed. So, they seemed to be enjoying their privilege as soldiers in those days’ (Cheng, 1984)

However, archival materials and oral history sources only focused on one group namely the elite women while the voices of subaltern women such as Indian female labourers in the estate, which made up almost 80% of the Rani of Jhansi Regiment, were not given enough attention and appreciation. Was the real purpose of their participation to oppose British rule? As noted earlier, these subaltern Indian women consisted of uneducated women who were not exposed to the outside world. Hence, nationalist ideas trumpeted by Bose were not easily understood by them. The real purpose of them joining the regiment was to escape from the hardships in the estate. They also joined to protect themselves from several problems such as food and cloth scarcity, sexual harassment, and domestic violence.

The establishment of the regiment was also to meet the needs for nurses and cooks who provided food for the independence fighters. Although initially the regiment was given military training, they did not participate in any activity on the battlefront, whereas, young Indian women were assured that they will be sent to Japan for military training,

‘Indian girls and women, who volunteered to join the Rani of Jhansi Regiment, have started their training, two hours daily. The training now is given by instructors but later special instructors from the Azad Hind Training School will take charge. It is understood that when the camp for training women volunteers is opened all volunteers will proceed there for more specialised military and first aid training’ (Syonan Shimbun, 1943, September 14).

According to Andaya and Leonard (2017), although this regiment was established as support group for cooking, medical treatment, and other works, the regiment also received military training and was involved in the Burmese war front. Andaya and Leonard (2017) agreed that Indian women joined this regiment to escape poverty and caste or class discrimination:

The uneducated young Tamil women who left the plantations to join the INA knew little about nationalism in India, and within the regiment, they still experienced the discrimination of caste and class. Nevertheless, they embraced the opportunity to escape lives of poverty and drudgery, and their example was often invoked by Bose to inspire male recruits’ (Andaya & Leonard, 2017).

According to Arunima Datta (2016), Indian women used ‘situational choice’ whereby they used any available opportunity to further their own interest. Indian coolie women were never naïve despite being depicted in that manner in most of the academic work regarding coolie lives in Malaya. She demonstrated that coolie women, who lived in deplorable conditions in the estates, utilised 'situational agency' to escape victimhood and joined the Rani of Jhansi Regiment for the same reasons. Their objective was not to challenge or change societal order but rather to get away from a disturbing marriage or the hardships of life at home. They returned to Malaya from Burma after the INA failure at Imphal in 1944 thus sealing the fate of the regiment. As a result, these subaltern women, who hailed from the estates fared ineffectively in comparison to the women from the elite class of the same regiment. Bhupalan and others from the elite class utilised their involvement in the battalion to become significant players of the post-war political and social associations.

Based on the involvement of Indian women in the Rani of Jhansi Regiment, one can deduce that these women did not join the regiment to merely escape from their spouses, but possibly also to get away from the hardships of life at home. The regiment offered regular meals and nourishment, a fixed pay, and provided an asylum from the kirani , kangani and Japanese soldiers. Both men and women in the INA and in the regiment were paid the same amount of wages, something which had never happened in the estates before. Besides women were intrigued by the opportunity of military training, a common tradition for men, which was granted to women as well. In other words, these women had many reasons to join the Rani of Jhansi Regiment.