The study revealed 30 lexical parallels between Nakh-Dagestan and Indo-European languages, among which 17 animal names, 6 bird names and 5 insect names included in the main vocabulary. Also established regular sound correspondences in the Nakh-Dagestan and Indo-European languages.
Animal names
Bula
‘bison, buffalo. Chechen proper, having parallels in Caucasian (dag. *
bol’on
/ *
bul’un
: bezht.
билъо
, hunz.
былъэ
, hinukh.
болъи
, цез.
болъа
‘common name for deer, mountain goats, etc.’ (Isakov, 1988); bezht.
булIо
‘pig, boar’, khvarsh.
булIу
, akhvakh.
болъон
‘pig’, avar.
bul’on
, andi.
bol’on, bul’uni
‘pig, boar’ (Cybric, 1990); Adygei.
blane
‘manly, energetic’, Kabardian.
blane
‘strong’, ‘beast’, ‘doe’), Indo-European (MLG.
bulle
, OE.
bula
,
bull
‘bull’, ON. boli, OHG.
boln
‘big’, *
bul
- ‘swell up; big; bull’) and Turkic languages (turkic. *
bolan
‘elk, deer). Goes back to form *
bulun
// *
bulan
‘large, powerful animal’, related chech.
b-ūla
n
‘strain, blow up, charge’, Skrt.
bala
‘strength’,
balavant
‘strong’,
bala-da
‘bull’. It is striking that the Germanic forms are phonetically and semantically closest to the Chechen ones.
Buož
‘goat leader’. Public. (Chech. dial.
buog
, ing.
buog
, ts-tush.
b'ok'
), having reliable matches in Caucasian (kab.
bžen
‘goat’, adyg.
bž’e
horn’, darg.
bek’
, lak.
bak’
‘head, leader, guide’; svan.
pik’w
‘neuter goat’ < ? *
bik’w
< *
bak’w
) and Indo-European languages: ON.
bokkr
, OHG.
boc
, OIr.
boc
, pers.
boz
‘goat’. *
bog-
‘steep with curved horns’ (Pokorny, 1959; Watkins, 1985). All the listed forms are reduced to a single
*bag
archetype, restored on the basis of Nakh languages, compare chech. pl.
bežaloj
<
bažiloj
< *
bag-iloj
). Similar phonetic changes occur during the formation of pl. numbers from
буорз
‘wolf’– pl.
берзалой
<
барз-илой
and
буорш
‘bull-calf’ – pl.
бершалой
<
барз-илой
(see below). Transition
г
–
ж
in Chechen – typical phenomenon, ср.
наж
‘oak’ < *
наг
,
чуож
‘stomach’ < *
чуог
,
чIаж
‘ravine’ < *
чIаг
,
хьаж
‘forehead’ <
хьаг
,
кI
а
жа
‘heel’ <
кI
а
г
etc. The foundation
буож
further related to chech. buoža ‘man’, pl.
buožarij
,
buožaber
‘boy’ (lit. ‘man-child’), tab.
baž
‘boy’, pl.
bažar
, lit.
buože
‘head, hump’,
buožis
‘big-headed man’. It is also interesting similarity to bezht.
боц1и
and ‘cumulative name for MRS and KRS’, guns.
боц1и
‘cumulative name of the IFA’ (Oldia, 1988), which can be borrowed from the Nakh or Iranian languages.
Buorš
‘bull-calf’ (ing.
buorš
, ts-tush..
borš
, pl.
baršuj
). Corresponds to the ancient Indian
vrşa
- ‘bull’,
vrşan
male ’,
varşati
‘ to rain ’, avestan
varešna
‘ male ’, latin. *
verses
‘wild boar’, lithuanian.
veršis
‘calf’, latvian.
versis
‘bull’. The original form is restored as
barš
‘fertilizing’, as indicated by the genus forms
baršan
, pl.
beršaloj
<
barshiloj
, as well as chechen
jett barše beana
‘cow in estrus’ and
buoršalla
fertilization, covering’. Perhaps this also applies to avar
barši
‘maturity’, cham.
baršila
‘ripening’, darg.
бурхъа
, lak.
бурхь-ни-сса
‘male’.
Cicig
//
cick
‘cat’ (ing. Cisk). Formed by suf. -ig from the base of cica // cici (cr.
жижи
>
жижиг
‘meat’), also presented in georg. cica, cvan. cicw, avar iciko ‘cat’, carats. itzyk ‘det. kitty ’, bezht., gunz., gin., tsez.
цици
‘(det.) cat’ (Oldia, 1988), gin.
цици-цици
‘inter. kitty kitty’, gunz.
цицу-цицу
‘kit-and-kitty (calling the cat)’. It is unlikely that the accord of these words with Czech is accidental. dial čiča, cicka, slvts. cica, cicka ‘cat’, rus. pussy dial
киця
‘cat’.
Pisu
‘pussy, kitty; interjection - calling the cat ’. General: Chech. dial pisi, pisav, ing. pisi, ts.-tush. piso ‘pussy’. It is considered a word of childish speech, georg.
писо
, lezg.
Пси
‘word cat calling out ’, jab. dial.
пси
‘cat’ (Ganieva, 2011), rut.
бисай
‘cat’; tatars.
песи
‘kitty’, eng. pussy, pussy-сat ‘pussy’, irl.
pisin
‘kitty’, pers. pušuk ‘cat’ (Makovskii, 2005), afg. пушту
пиш
,
пишай
‘cat’,
пиши
,
пишо
, afg. dari
пишик
‘cat’, kurd.
pis
‘kitty-kitty’, shugn.
Пиш
‘cat’. Nevertheless, we are drawing closer to rus. motley, to motley, to write, write, painting, painted, lit.
piešiu
,
piešti
‘draw’, avest.
paēsa
‘decoration; ‘spotted’, dr.-ind.
peças
‘shape, color’,
pimçati
‘adorns, attaches to the image’ (Vasmer, 1971). The original meaning - ‘fluffy, spotty, variegated’.
Dingad
‘weasel’. Actually chechen (dial. Dingat, dinigad), consisting of two parts: din (mobile,) +
gat // reptile
(cat), lit. ‘agile, frisky cat’. Apparently, weasel so named for its exceptional briskness. The basis of gad // gat, presented in almost all Caucasian languages in the meaning of 'cat, cat' (and. gedu, darg. gata, archin. gatu, tabas. gatu, rutul. gät, lezg. kkac, adyg. cab gedu, osset. gædy, georg. k'at'a, meg. k'at'u, ts.-tush. k'ujt'i, k'ot'o 'cat'), was preserved in chechen only in the form. Probably, this was partly due to the spread in the Chechen language of parallel synonyms of
пису
and
цициг
(see).
Din
‘horse, fast horse’ (Ing.
din
, c.-tush.
don
). It corresponds with the chechen
die
‘strength, power’,
dönalla
‘endurance, resilience’ <
dien-ulla
. Comparable with the ancient Chechen
dijna
‘agile, energetic, lively, whole’,
din-gad
//
din-gat
‘weasel’ (literally ‘brisk, agile cat’), greek.
dynamis
‘strength, power’,
dynamikos
strong, powerful ’,
dynatos
‘strong’, valiisk.
dyn
, breton
den
‘man’ <‘strong’, germ.
dienen
‘to serve, to suit’,
Diener
‘servant’ of worker, rabsila’. The literal meaning is ‘agile, lively, energetic, strong’. Semantically compare chechensk.
govr
‘horse’ with Indo-European. *
gaur
- ‘large, strong’.
Ēra
‘non-emasculated, undistorted, tribal (ox, ram, etc.)’. General: chech. dial ari, ing. arh, ts.-tush. air`li ‘ram (producer)’ <* arli. Interesting from a cultural and historical point of view, the word. Pranah
*āri
‘male (ram), leader’, ‘indomitable, unrestrained, heroic, militant’ has the widest connections: бежт.
эрели
‘ram with fat tail’ (Oldia, 1988), lezg. jab
гьер
‘ram’; *
er
- ‘1. ram; 2. set in motion, excite’
, *erei
- //
*ereu
-‘ rush, onslaught, hero, wild ’, lat. aries ‘ram’ (Pokorny, 1959), basque. ar ‘male’, turk.
эр
//
ар
‘man, husband’ (tur.
эр
, kum.
эр.
karach.
эр
, azer.
эр
‘husband, courageous’, nogaysk.
эр
‘make,
эри
‘husband’). From chech.
Аьрха
‘violent, obstinate, quick-witted’ - derivative with suf. –ха,
буордаха
beef (color) ’,
дōраха
‘cheap’) from the base of
āри
. Phonetically
āриха
first changed into eriha, and after the reduction of the vowel
и
into
аьрха
. Here rus.
eроха
‘stubborn’, ltsh. erka ‘courage, energy’, erceties ‘rage’.
Ēsa
‘calf, baby deer’. Common .: ing. ‘asa, c.-tush. as. Less indicator we bring together with dag*
б-ас -
‘calf’: avar.
бече
<*
б-есе
, ahhvah.
буша
<*
б-уса
, bezht.
бише
<*
б-исе
(Oldia, 1988). Also carat.
асю
‘calling calf name’. Outside of the Caucasian languages, similar forms are presented, in our opinion, in Teutonic languages: English ass, mid.engl. asse ‘donkey’. The original Nakh form is * ās // * āsi ‘heifer; calf, baby deer’.
Ħiex
1
‘mountain tour’ (dialect
ħiek
, ing.
ħagh
, c.-tush.
ħax
‘tur’, pl.
ħaxar
). Dialectal data (cist.
ħāх
, plural
ħōxаrij
, itum.
ħax
, plural
ħaxarij
) indicate the original form
*ħax
(<
*ħak
//
*pħak
), inseparable, in our opinion, *
p
h
ek
u
- ‘cattle’, iran.
*pak
‘small nowt; sheep, ram' (avest.
pasu
- 'cattle', hotanosak.
pasa '
sheep, small nowt’, pechl.
pah
, kurd.
pas, pes
, afg.
psэ
‘sheep, small nowt’, oset.
fys
‘sheep’). In Indo-European studies, the connection between is firmly established. *
pheku
- ‘nowt’ and *
p
h
ek
u
- // *
phek
‘ scratching wool; hair; sheep' (greek.
pekos
' shorn wool; fleece', OHG.
fahs
'hair', iran.
*pas
, oset.
fasm
‘wool autumn haircut',
fasyn
‘comp’), which allows us to attract here the nakh *
phās-
‘fiber, wool, hair’ (> *
pħāsa
> chech.
ħāsa
[хьāса]). It is interesting to consider also the homonymous basis
ħiex
2
‘cave’ (dialect
ħiek
, ing.
ħaxar
, c.-tush.
ħex
‘cave’). Goes back to the form *
pħex
<*
pħek
, pl.
pħekar-š
, inseparable from the cab.
ħeku
, adygei.
ħakuy
‘stove’, Russian
I bake, bake
,
Pechora
, Old Russian.
pechora
‘Cave’
(<*peke
r), afg.
pox
‘baked; mature’, alb.
pjek
‘bake’, Iran *
pak
, *
pek
u
- ‘stove, boil’ (Vasmer, 1971).
Ka
‘ram’. Common: chech.pl.
kuoj
, genus. sing.
koman
, ing.
кa
‘ram’, c.-tush.
kome
n
‘male’, chech.
куомах
‘dork’. The basis is widely represented in the Dagestan languages: avar.
kuj
‘ram’, and
kun, kumi
, kar. kuni, lak..
ku
‘ram’ (>
*ku
>
ču
‘man’), darg. kiha, kiva (Khaydakov, 1973), hin.
ki
‘male’ (cf. avar.
či
‘man’ <’male’), darg. chirah.
ku
‘ram’, pl.
kume
, tsudah.
čuj-meь
. In terms of distant etymology from here, perhaps, the Ugro-Finnic is happening. *
komi
‘man’: in the Komi language komi man, komi’, udm.
кум
‘man , mansi
хум
‘man’. Is it not from here that it is etymologically dark rus.
кум
?
Masar
‘mountain goat’, ‘chamois’ (dial.
mesar
, ing.
mosar
, Ts.-tush.
masor
‘chamois’, pl.
maserč
). Probably from the nakh
mas
‘hair, feather’ (
*mas
- ‘hair, moss’, dag. *
mix
, *
mux
- ‘wool’), which implies the original meaning ‘woolly, long-wooded. Related to chech.
māša
‘cloth’, Skrt.
mēša
, Av.
maeša
‘sheep’, Shugn.
mēхak
‘mountain ram’ < *
maiša-aka.
Nach. *
qau
‘cattle droppings, cow dung, mullein’ > *qou > quo (сhechen. quo, ing. quo, ts.-tush. qo) *
qou
-, *
qu
- ‘cow manure; cow’, etc. in germ. kuo, chuo, etc in eng. ku, тох. And ko ‘cow’, arm. kov ‘cow’, ku ‘dung’, gen. kuoy, slav. *govuno ‘excrement’ < ‘cow dung’ (rus. govno), etc.-ind. gu-tha- ‘excrement’, avest. gu-tha- ‘dirt’ (Klimov, 1964), Pers.
гоh
‘excrement’. Aryan –tha in gu-tha, most likely, reflects morphologically nakh class determinants
da
, combined with nakch. quo, chech. quo du, ing. quo da. It is also interesting to note the special proximity of the slav. forms with base genus. . цова-тушинского qujnon < * quvnon < * quvnon. In languages, the cow was named after one of its striking features is a put, anywhere, ‘large pellets, mulleins’.
Nakh.
sag
//
stag
//
tag
‘deer’, ‘man’ (Chechen.-Ingas.
sag
//
stag
//
tag
‘man’,
saj
‘deer’, TS.-tush.
sag
‘deer’,
stak’
‘man’) , has parallels in Caucasian (Gunz.
suk'u,
bezh.
suk'o
, cez.
žek'u
, khvarsh.
žik'wa
‘man’, lak.
ttukku
‘donkey’) and some other languages: hurr.
taghe
‘male’, OE.
secg
‘man’, E.
stag
‘male-deer; bachelor’, oset.
sag
‘deer’. The basis of
sag
‘deer’ is formed by the suffix -g from nakh. *
sa
‘angle, horn’ and literally means ‘horned (animal)’, compare typologically lat.
ceruus
‘deer’, greek.
keras
‘horn’,
kar
‘head’, nah. *
kar
‘head, horn’ > chech.
kur
, pl.
karraš
. From *
sag
‘a deer, a buck’ is formed in a lexico-semantic way.
sag
‘man’ (>
stag
>
tag
). The transition of values ‘male animal’ - ‘male’ is a common phenomenon in the history of languages, compare, for example, i.e. *
bog
’ ‘
goat’
, chech.
buož
‘goat’ -
buoža
,
buožarij
‘male’; avar.
či
‘man’ - hin.
ki
‘male’, ugro-fin. *
komi
‘man’ with nah.-dag. *
kome
n
// *
kume
n
‘male’ (from
ka
‘ram’). In view of the above, borrowing nakh.
sag
from the Ossetian language is excluded.
Su
//
stu
//
tu
‘bull, ox’ (ing.
ust
, tsova-tush.
pst'u
). Goes back to proto-archetype *
sa(r)
// *
sta(r)
// *
ta(r)
, the corresponding Indo-European *(
s)taru
//
*(s)taur
‘bull, ox’ (L.
taurus
, Lith.
tauras
, OCS.
turъ
, OPrus.
тур
, albanian.
tarok
, gall. tarvos, OIr.
tarb
‘bull’) and Semitic *
stur
‘strong, tall’. The derived form is Chechen
star
-gha ‘bull’, Ingush
sirgha
, correlated with German *
steur-ika
(MHG.
sterke
‘heifer’, OE.
stierk
, E.
steur
‘calf’), formed by the diminutive suffix -ika from the German *
steur
‘bull’ (Watkins, 1985).
Nakh. *
var
>
vir
: Chech.
vir
‘donkey’, ing. vir, ts.-tush. vir. – vir: lat. vir ‘man’, Prus. vir ‘man’, lit. vyras, gotsk. wair ‘man’, etc.other eng. wer ‘man, husband; hero’ (Pokorny, 1959), Avest. vira, other.-ind. viras ‘man, hero’, varana- ‘camel’, toh. And wir ‘young’, yazgulyam. wir ‘male’. In the Caucasian languages, the word is not so clear, lac.
вири-чу
‘hero’, pl.
вир-ттал
, hin.
варйа
‘stallion’ (Comri, 2010). While the avar., lak.
warani
‘camel’, lezg. lawar, darg. walri, dial.
варли
,
варри
‘camel’ is more like borrowing, ind. varana- ‘camel’. The common semantic basis of these words, the man is a jackass is the value ‘male, strong (gender)’ (Gamkrelidze, 1984), typologically chech.
саг
‘man’ from
саг
‘deer’,
буожа
‘man’ from
буож
‘goat-leader’,
мар
‘husband’ *
мар
‘deer’, *
ари
‘male’ from
ари
‘not alter sheep’. The original announcement of the root, no doubt, is a, chech. pl. h
варраш
(<
варнаш
), ing.
вараш
, ts.-tush. pl.
варби
, < nah. *
вар
-therefore georg.
вири
‘donkey’ cannot be the source of the Nakh words. Apparently, the opposite is true. The idea of strength, size in a basis of
вир
is clearly visible in the georg.
вир
-
тагви
‘rat’ (= ‘donkey-mouse’), megr.
вири
‘donkey’, ‘rat’ > Oset.
уыры
‘rat’.
Xersig
‘pig' (Chech. dial. xersi, xürsig, xürcig, ing. xursk). It is formed by means of reduction. suf. -ig from basics *xars, which also had a variant *xurs (neut. xürs-ig from xurs-ig). Building *xars // *xurs к *pxars // *pxurs, brings together the latest from *
phorso
// *
phork'o
‘pig’: lat.
роrcus
‘pig’, irl. *porc ‘young pig’, other in germ. Far, lit. paršas ‘pig', slav. *porsen ‘pig’, khotanosak. pasi < *pars-, kurd. purs (Pokorny, 1959; Vasmer, 1971). To correspondence of I.-E. *р - nah. pħ // *px // *x more slav. *
penь
,
pečь
‘oven’,
pečera
‘cave’ – nah. *xen ‘trunk’, *(p)ħek ‘cave’, chech. ħiex (see). *
phork'o
// *
pherso
‘pig’ is explained as derived from I.-E. *
phеrk'o
// *pherso ‘variegated, spotted’ (Gamkrelidze, 1984) that supported nakh.
*(p)ħarsin
‘bright, light brown, red, speckled’,
*(p)ħarsan
‘to sprinkle, to sprinkle, to spray’, *(p)ħiersan ‘to sprinkle, to spray, to sprinkle’. According to another version, derived from I.-E. *
regc'
- // *
phers
- ‘to rend, to tear, to plow’ inner form ‘burrowing digger’ (Pokorny, 1959).
Bird names
Ärzu
‘eagle’. General nakh. (dial. arzuol, erdz, ing. erzi, ts.-tush. arc'iv). The similar name of a bird is widespread in the Caucasus and in adjacent regions: cham.
эрцим
‘erne’, urart. arsibi, georg.
арцIиви
, ‘eagle’, arm. arciv, avest. erezifya, skr. rjipya, greek. argipios ‘falcon, eagle’ (Gamkrelidze, Ivanov, 1984). The original form is *
арзив
has undergone several phonetic changes:
арзив
>
аьрзив
>
аьрзав
>
аьрзуо
. Easily recognizable in this word root *ar-g- // *ar-z - etymologically, probably means ‘height, mountain, top’, which indicates, in particular, lak.
барзу
‘eagle’ when
барзунттив
‘height, mountain’ (b- class indicator), adyg.
бгъэ
1 ‘eagle’ in
бгъэ
2 ‘chest; the top’; germ. Aar ‘eagle’, Rus. eagle with Greek. oros ‘mountain’. Hence the internal form of
арзив
possible as ‘tall bird returns (incoming) boom with height. The concept of ‘the edge’ – ‘the top’ are interconnected, so arziv ‘eagle’ can be connected also with the chech.
эрз
‘reed’ > ‘arrow’. udmurt. erdzi ‘eagle’, contrary to T. V. Gamkrelidze and V. V. Ivanov (Gamkrelidze, Ivanov, 1984), most likely, does not come from the mythical middle Iranian form of the avest type. ərəzi-fya ‘eagle’, and nakh *
аьрзи
// *
иэрзи
‘eagle’.
Bād
‘duck’. Actually chech. A widespread word represented in the languages of different families: avar. salad.
бад
(Comri, 2010), годоб.
бади
‘duck’, and.
бадуши
, чам. бēдиш /
бедаш
(neut. chech. pl.
бēдаш
), hvarsh
бедиш
, bezht., гунз.
бат1и
, gin., cez.
мат1и
‘goose’ (Olda, 1988), darg.
батI
,
батIбатI
‘goose’, lezg.
патI
, tab.
бадбад
‘duck’, arm. bad, kurd. bet, span. pato, arab. bat’ ‘duck’; georg.
батIи
‘goose’. Nostratic stem *
badh
is probably associated with the turk. *
bat
- ‘dive’, i.e. *
badh
- // *
bath
- ‘dive’ (Pokorny, 1959), hence suggests etymon – ‘diving (bird)’. However, given some of the abstractness of this value, we offer to make ancient etymological meaning of one derivational step to the side of the seme ‘overweight, fat (poultry)’. This will allow us to draw to the comparison not only ie *
bhad
- ‘good’ < ‘good, burly, obese, plump’ (eng. better ‘better’, eng. batten ‘fatten’), but chech. dial.
бадир
‘wing, thigh, side’, rus. hip, urart. bedэ ‘side’ (< ‘wing, side’), kryz. badow, будух. bod-e ‘next’ (< ‘next’), ruth. bejdi ‘close’, lezg. ppad ‘side’. Thus, the more ancient etymon for the duck is the value of ‘heavy, obese (bird)’. Native Tsova-Tushin
батI
‘duck’, upward to form
бад
(Comri, 2010), in our view, superseded borrowed from the georgian word
батIи
‘goose’ (< *a duck).
Buha
‘eagle owl, owl’. General.:ing. bov, ts.-tush. buih // buha. The most common point of view is that the word buha is explained as onomatopoeic. Note the similarity with the Caucasian (and.
бугьу
, godober., tind., carat., hvarsh., ginukh.
бугьу
, chamal.
бугь
, georg.
бу був
) and ind-eur. forms (i.e. *
bhu
: new. germ. dial. Buhu, bolg.
бух
, ukr.
бухало
, greek. byas, lat. bubo ‘owl’, maked.
був
‘owl’). In view of the above facts, contrary to I. Yu. Aliroev (Aliroev, 1978), it is not necessary to talk about borrowing from the Georgian language not only the form of
бухIа
(chech. ts-tush.), but also the forms of
бов
(maked.
був
‘owl’). Akhv.
буссе
‘owl’, dial.
бусса
resembles chech.
буьйса
‘night’ (< *
буйсе
),
буса
‘night’. The alternation of h (x) // s in the Nakh-Dagestan languages is quite common.
Čovka
‘rook’ (ing. čħovka) ~ the Foundation can be traced to the Caucasus (bezht.
чека
, hinuch.
цоко
, tsez.
цок
, hvarsh.
цук
‘rook’, georg.
квав-и
‘the crow’), turkic (of Karach.b.
чаука
‘rook’, tatas.
чәүкә
, Crim.
чавке
‘jackdaw’) and Balto-Slavic languages (preslav. * kavъka > *čavka: bolg., macedon.
чавка
‘jackdaw’, chesh., slvc. čavka, pol. kawka ‘jackdaw’, ukr. dial.
кавка
‘rook’,
каука
‘rook’, blr.
кавка
‘jackdaw’; lit. kiauke ‘jackdaw’). The last attribute to the I.-E. echoic base *
kau
- ‘to shout, to gicat’ in Polish. old. kawa, ukr. dial.
кава
‘jackdaw’, lit. kovas ‘jackdaw’, ‘rook’, etc. in germ. kâ ‘daw’, etc.-ind. kauti, kokuyati, lit. kaukti, greek. kokyo ‘scream’.
Č'uob
‘the little owl, the bittern’. Actually chech. comparable with rus.
скопа
‘river eagle’,
cкопец
‘kind of hawk’, dial.
скопа
‘large bird of family hawk’, ukr.
скопа
‘some kind of sea bird’, greek. skops, skopos ‘owls’, alb. shkapё ‘eagle, vulture’, phonetically chech. dial.
чIоп
. K. G. Krasnukhin (Krasnukhin, 2004) the same Greek material skōps translates as ‘eagle-owl (= looking)’ – skopós ‘guard’. Nakh ejective
чI
meets in anlaut slav.
ск
in other cases, neut. ‘candle; *oil’ – Rus.
скором
‘fat, oil’,
чIкъор
‘bark, skorka’ – rus.
скора
. Given that
чIуоб
//
чIуоп
is a night bird can bring to the comparison also
ЖагIжагIа
‘jackdaw’. Onomatopoeic word occurring in different languages: general-lezg. *
чIагъ
‘jackdaw’ (lezg., tab., agul., bodoh.
чIагъ
, tsakh.
чIиIгъаI
, kryz.
чIагъни
, hin.
чIаь
‘jackdaw, rook’ (Talibov, 1980), and.
чIингъа
, kar.
чIчIигъа
, zach.
чIиIгъа
, kryz.
чIагъ
‘jackdaw’ (Oldia, 1988), kum.
жагъа
‘jackdaw’, pers. zag'(i) ‘crow’, ‘magpie’, z'ag'-zag' ‘crack’, sogd. *zag' ‘the name of some bird’, oset. dzag'yndzag ‘magpie, afg. zhagh ‘sound, noise, voice’, ‘chirping’, arm. jag ‘bird’, I.-E. *
ghag
u
h
‘bird name’ (Pakhalina, 1989); kum.
жагъа
‘jackdaw’, karach.-b.
чакъынджик
‘magpie’. In Chechen, Persian and Ossetian languages have undergone reduplication basis gag-, non-redundant basis is presented in chech.
жагIа
‘pebbles, crushed stone, gravel’ (typologically rus. jackdaw and pebble). It is interesting to note that on the basis of the abruptivity of the anlaut, the Lezgin forms are phonetically closer to Chech.
чIиегIаг
‘magpie’ than
жагIжагIа
‘jackdaw’.
Name of insects and amphibians
Bumbari
‘bumblebee, hornet’. Vainakh (ing. bumbarg ‘bug’) that has a match in ind-eur. languages: serb.
бумбара
‘bumblebee’, bolg. dial.
бумбар
‘stag beetle’, maсed. bumbar ‘beetle’, lit. bambalas ‘bumblebee; beetle’, ltsh. bambals ‘beetle’, eng. bumblebee ‘bumblebee’, greek. bombylios ‘bumblebee’, etc.-ind. bambhara ‘bee’, afg.
бамбәра
‘hornet’, munj. bamber ‘wasp’, I.-E. *
bamb-ar
- (Pakhalina, 1989). Also, gunz.
барбари
‘bumblebee’, hin.
бемб
‘fly’, georg. bumbuli ‘feathers, fluff’.
Gora
/Boo/ ‘gadfly, horsefly’ (dial. garu). Avar.
кIкIарá
‘mosquito’, pl.
кIкIурби
, tomur.
кIкIирá
‘mosquito’, gid. dial.
кIкIара
‘gadfly’, and. akhwah.
кIкIара
‘ant’, cham., khvarsh.
кIара
‘midges, the mosquito’, arch., inhokw. k’ara, tind. kkyara ‘mosquito’ (Kibrik, 1990), and chech.
кIирдала
‘pinpoint, acquire skill, ing.
кIирденна
‘staring’.
Neca
‘moth’. Vainakh.: chech. dial. nace, ing. nec. According to the Dagestan forms (neut. archin. *
нисв
, cham.
йес
, dial.
реси
, karat, bagv.
реса
, and.
реси
, lac.
нувца
‘mothl’),
c
in
nace
goes back to
s
(*nase). Internal form could be understandable in the case of a probable connection with ie. *
nek
` // *
nes
- ‘die, disappear’ (other-ind. nasayati ‘disappears’, avest. nasu- ‘corpse’, greek. nekys, lat. nex ‘death’): moth, apparently, got its name by the ability ‘to eat up, to shred, to turn wool into dust’. Also avar.
неца
‘the gadfly’,
нус
‘knife’, bezht. natso, gunz.
нацə
gin.
ноце
, zets.
ноци
, khwarsh.
нуца
/
ноцо
‘louse’ (Oldia, 1988).
Polla
‘butterfly, butterfly’. Actually chech. (dial. pallu), which has a correspondence to the root of the Indo-Europ. languages: lat. pello, -puli ‘to beat, to push, to sway’, greek. pallo, ‘to shake, to brandish, to flutter, to beat, to throb, to fluctuate, to tremble’, rus.
перепел
//
пелепел
,
пере
-
полох
,
вс-полош-иться
bolg.
плах
‘timid, fear’ serbohorv.
плах
“quick, sharp’, I.-E. *
pel
- ‘to move abruptly, in spurts’, ‘spin’ (Pokorny, 1959; Vasmer, 1971). Phonetically not derived from the kurd. pepole, georg.
пIепIели
‘butterfly’ unlike ts.-tush.
пIепIел
. Semantically rus.
мотылек
when
мотаться
,
метаться
, lit. drugys ‘fever; butterfly’ under
дрогнуть
.
дрожать
. Probably related to chech.
пиел
in
пиелвийла
‘to totter, to vacillate, to stumble’.
Sagal
‘flea’, dial. segal, ing. sagal, ts.-tush. psik’ ~ bezh.
чIики
, dial.
цIике
, cez.
чIики
, gunz.
чIиге
, lak.
чIака
, darg.
цIика
, tsud-tant.
цIукI
,
цIукIе
‘flea’ (Comri, 2010), Neut. here rus.
сиг
‘jump’,
сигать
‘jump’, blr.
сиг
‘big step’,
сигаць
‘big walk’, anglos. higian ‘hurry’, ether ind. cighras ‘fast’) and turk. languages (*sek- ‘to jump; to roll, bumping over the ground’ > kalm. segl. ‘to jump, wiggle walking). Judging by ts.-tush. the form
псикI
, chech.
сагал
is suf. Formation (suf. -al, neut. .
пхьаг-ал
‘hare’,
цхьог-ал
‘fox’,
тарс-ал
‘squirrel’,
шорш-ал
‘thrush’) from the base of the sag-. Semantically eng. flea ‘flea’ – flee ‘to flee'.
T’uod
‘gadfly’ (ing. t'uod, ts.-tush. t'ut't’ ‘fly’) ~ cham.
тIу
н
тI
‘fly; flies’, karat.
тIу
н
тIу
, ‘fly’, avar. t'ot’-, bezht. t'ot’-, gunz.
тIотI
‘fly, bee’, darg. t'ent’, kryz.
тIытI
, ruth.
дед
, tsakhur. t'ot’, lezg.
тет
, udin.
тат
‘fly’,
тIатI
‘bee’ (Ganieva, 2011). Similar forms are found in the Indo-Europ. languages: shugn.
тивд
‘mosquito’, other-ind. toda-s ‘one who stings’, toda ‘prick, bite; acute pain’, tudati, tundate ‘pushes, stings’ (,). The original Nakh-Daghestanian form – *dad // * t’ad ‘(sting) fly (gadfly, a bee)’.
Pħid
2
‘frog’. General. (ing'. pħid, ts.-tush. pħit’) that have a match in Dagestan (bezh.
гIотIе
, darg. hyde.
гIǝтIа
, asht.
хIǝтIа
, urar.
гъǝтIа
‘frog’ (Temirbulatova, 2012) < .-hyde. *
пхIетI
- avar.
хIетIе
‘leg, foot’ (Khaidakov, 1973) and some indo-europ. languages: khett. piddai ‘run’, greek. pido ‘jump up’, other engl. pad ‘frog’ (Makovsky, 2005), swedish. padda ‘toad’. Formed lexical-semantic method from pħid1 ‘leg, thigh’ (= I.-E. *phed ‘foot’), rus.
Лягать
,
ляга
,
ляжка
–
лягушка
(Vasmer 1973), other.-ind. pravate ‘jumps’, plava- ‘frog’ (Gamkrelidze, 1984). Frog got its name from the most characteristic feature – the method of movement jumps. The original form – *
pħad
, chech. dial. pħad, pl. pħadariš, pħadarčij.
