Abstract
The article is based on a case study of a two female Israeli Ethiopian students who were enrolled in a teacher-education college. This study advances our understanding of the unique and complex situation of the Ethiopian immigrants. Observation of their use of the mother tongue compared with their use of the acquired language revealed their distinct identity-formation tendencies: one participant clearly demonstrated an
Keywords: Ethiopian immigrantsidentitieslanguagelinguistic functions
1.Introduction
1.1 The Beta-IsraelCommunity
The Ethiopian immigrants came to Israel mainly in two separate waves of immigration, in 1984
and in 1991. According to data retrieved from Israel's Central Bureau of Statistics, at the end of 2014,
131,400 Israeli residents (about 2.1 % of the population) were members of the Beta-Israel community (the
term favored by members of the Ethiopian community); of these, approximately 84,600 were born in
Ethiopia and 46,800 were born in Israel to Ethiopian parents. In the academic year (2012-2013), the total
number of students enrolled in higher education programs was 309,650 (29.1%); of these, only 2,694
(0.87%) students were of Ethiopian descent (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2013). As the data clearly show,
the percentage of students of Ethiopian descent in higher education does not coincide with their rate in the
population. This might be related to the high unemployment rate among this sector of the population, and
the fact that socioeconomically, it is located on the bottom-most rung in the Israeli society.
Many studies have documented the social and cultural lives of the Beta-Israel community (Weil,
1989), as well as the social changes, the challenges, and the difficulties these immigrants encountered in
trying to adapt to life in Israel's modern and individualistic society (Kalnisky, Millet, & Cohen, 2015;
Kassan & Shabtai, 2005). While the community's efforts to integrate into Israeli society continue, there is
a sense that the community has yet to find its “proper place" in the mosaic of Israeli society, in terms of its
cultural visibility or invisibility (Ben Ezer, 2010). More specifically, the community aspires to be
simultaneously visible and invisible: on the one hand, it aims to become an integral and therefore
indistinct part of the host culture, to be treated equally; however, also means becoming invisible. On the
other hand, the members of this community wish to preserve their uniqueness, to receive the kind of
consideration that would allow them to maintain their specific cultural characteristics as immigrants; (Ben
Ezer, 2010) and, in this sense, to remain visible.
1.2The Diverse Nature of Multiculturalism
An underlying assumption shared by most of the studies that examined the immigration processes
of the Beta-Israel community was based on an ideological conviction, namely, that these immigrants
wished to be integrated into Israel's mainstream society (Sever, 2001). In the first decades after the State
of Israel was established (1948), it was guided by a social and educational policy called "the gathering of
the Diaspora" or, following the example of the policy of the U.S., "the melting pot" (Sever, 2007). The
goal of this policy was to eliminate the cultural visibility of the immigrant groups; in effect, however, the
policy resulted in a phenomenon of negative visibility, as immigrant cultures were derided and their
members were subjected to years of discrimination (Resnick, 2010). The desire of the Beta-Israel
community was consistent with the policy of the host country, which encouraged covert assimilation
alongside overt assimilation. Ever since the early days when the State of Israel was newly founded, the
goal of covert assimilation was to distance the Jews who had emigrated from Islamic countries from their
cultural heritage and to integrate them into what was termed “Israeli culture”. Later, this approach was
substituted by a policy of overt assimilation, which was based on the view that particularistic cultures of
minority groups should disappear (in contrast to the monistic approach, which advocates for pluralism).
In recent years, the Ministry of Education, has announced that it is adopting a policy of
multiculturalism and plans to implement it throughout the educational system (Amendments to the Law
Regarding Educational Goals, 2000 and henceforth). Portera (2008) mentions several problems and
limitations regarding the use of the term
teachers and educators use the term in their work with children, it is perceived as something fashionable,
and thus ceases to be part of an extensive educational policy. Although teachers mean to introduce the
idea of multiculturalism in their classrooms, in effect they end up celebrating an exotic culture.
1.3Psychological and Sociological Aspects of Immigrants Language and Identity
In psychology,
expresses one's deepest feelings, fears, and needs (Amir, 2013). Through language, the individual
constructs his or her unique inner world. This concept refers not only to verbal language but also to other
various modalities through which one communicates one's inner world to the environment. According to
this concept, there is a duality to language, in the sense that it is simultaneously a product as well as a
facilitator of individuation (Blos, 1967; Bollas, 1984). In addition to the fact that language, as a system of
symbols, sidesteps the concrete, it also creates what we experience as our "inner reality" (page 152). In
this sense, language is not only a means to achieve intimacy with the maternal figure, but also a means to
separate from her in order to become an individual. The main function of the native language in the
process of acquiring a language is to name objects and create links between them; the second function of
the native language is the naming of the individual, which grants the child the status of a separate subject.
This function helps form the individual's identity, as it provides the child with the emotional space in
which to develop his or her unique mental observational capacity. The third function of a native language,
which is also part of the development of an emotional language, is the transition from the subjective (first-
person) observation of the self to an objective (third-person) view of the self. A flexible transition from
subjective to objective perception enables the child to communicate the contents of his or her individual
world to the other and to understand the other's world, the "pseudo-language" (Amir 2013).
For immigrants, the inner language has additional and even more complex functions, given that the
child's emotional connection with the parents does not necessarily continue to be based on the native
language, as the child (and often the parents too) acquire another language, which serves as a means of
adapting to the new society. In some cases, the new language takes on the function of the native language;
in other cases, both languages are used to maintain this function. These varying situations introduce
additional aspects into the process of separation and individuation, related to the process of adapting to the
new country (Sever, 2007).
From the perspective of the social context, the visibility of immigrant groups must be observable
by the agents of the host culture. The mechanisms through which the agents "view" the immigrants should
also be accounted for, particularly since the world and one's identity are constructed using language (Ben
Porat, 2007). Thus, language is a major factor that contributes to the strengthening of the immigrant's
identification with the particular ethnic or national group (Shohamy, Ben-Rafael, & Barni, 2010).
The discourse through which the individual's identity is established encompasses all of the
normative connections that exist between one's use of language and other symbolic expressions and the
thoughts, feelings, art, values, and activities that are the by-products of language and its related symbolic
forms of expression. These by-products are the means by which individuals identify themselves as
belonging to a social network, which is significant to them.
Bourdieu (1991) claimed that social, historical, and political relationships are anchored in language
and that linguistic behavior reflects the struggles between the various groups in each society. In the case
of a society of immigrant groups, the desire to attain and preserve a positive social identity can be
achieved only when a comparison with the dominant group produces a positive outcome for the
immigrant group.
Mana, Or, & Mana (2004, 2007) found that the process of social integration of the Ethiopian
community in Jewish Israeli society is perceived as enriching the individual and the group, without
requiring abandonment of the original culture. This type of acculturation is termed
contrast, the term
perceived as superior to the local one, and the immigrants demand that it be recognized as a legitimate
part of the existing context.
purposely drawn between the original identity of the immigrant group and the identity of the host culture;
maintaining this distinction can be a matter of choice or a response to rejection by the host culture.
The concept of
(Shabtai, 2001). The latter is characterized by the fact that the first generation of Ethiopian immigrants
does not experience an identity crisis, despite the collective and individual experience of having their
identity threatened. This is due to the active strategies that were used to contend with and overcome the
threat to their identity (for example, emphasizing the Jewish religion which they have in common with the
host culture). However, it appears that in the next generation, the immigrant identity of those who were
born in Israel was not defined by an inclusive mechanism oriented towards integration. Rather, their
identity was mostly defined by their skin color, which is the mechanism used by Israeli society to reject
them.
In a previous study (Kalnisky & Baratz, in print), we identified two types of identity, related to the
way Ethiopian immigrants (and their descendants) perceive themselves in the host society: an
unreconciled and a reconciled identity. The
there is a conflict between two identities, with one trying to overcome the other. In this case, the effort
was to give precedence to the Israeli identity over the Ethiopian identity; (2) there is an attempt to reject
the narrative, which emphasizes cultural visibility, and to accept the narrative of the hegemony; (3) a gap
emerges between the individual's personal identity and the Israeli identity that characterizes the
surrounding society. The
encompasses both the old identity and the new identity. At this end of the spectrum, cultural visibility is
not perceived as a threat. The narrative of the immigrant community is adopted, and the individual and
social identities are perceived as complementary.
1.4Research Aims
The article is based on a study of a two female Israeli Ethiopian students who were enrolled in a
teacher-education college. This study advances our understanding of the unique and complex situation of
the Ethiopian immigrants, in this particular instance -- as teachers, at the same time, these two stories,
which were selected from 20 interviews we conducted, are representative of the challenges that these
immigrants encounter in the acculturation process.
When designing this study, we had a dual purpose in mind. The first was to examine the manner in
which these participants portrayed their personal identity within their social frameworks – the one they
come from, i.e., the Ethiopian immigrant society, and the one into which they are attempting to integrate,
i.e., Israeli society. The second aim was to examine the mechanisms that they developed in order to
strengthen their sense of self-efficacy when coping with the conflicts resulting from the clash between
their two different worlds.
1.4.1Research Questions
The goal of the study was to shed light on the role of language in the process of identity formation
and in the process of separation-individuation (Bollas, 1984), among students from the Beta-Israel
community. The concepts of reconciled identity and unreconciled identity were previously shown to
contribute to the processes of identity shaping and separation-individuation. The two interviewees defined
themselves using the terms
of their relationship with their two languages (their native language and the language spoken locally)
reflected the degree to which they had become assimilated in the host society, indicating whether the
environment had become a component of their identity.
Given this context, we posed the following question: What mechanisms did participants employ to
contend with the identity conflict that emerges as a result of the use of and transition between two
languages?
2.Methodology
This is an interpretative study following the principle of an internal case study (Stake, 1995). The study
aims to generate in-depth knowledge of the case in order to grasp its essence and gain insights that could
be projected onto other cases with similarities or even differences. This method affords the researchers a
better understanding of the distinctiveness and complexities of the individual cases within their particular
contexts. In turn, this understanding enables the researcher to discern cause and effect connections, which
often constitute the foundation for emergent hypotheses and theories.
2.1.Research Procedure
2.1.1.Data Analysis
The approach used to analyze the collected data combined a macro- and a micro-analysis (Leiblich,
Tuval-Mashiach, & Zilber, 1998). A holistic, macro-analysis entailed an examination of the form and
content of the narrative, whereas the microanalysis was comprised of a content analysis related to the
authentic themes and issues that emerged during the interviews.
A qualitative-interpretative research method is based on multifaceted critical discourse analysis
(Klein, 2010). Here we traced sociocultural connections and hidden meanings derived from them
according to the principle of critical discourse analysis, focusing on social problems (Gee, 2004; Van
Dijk, 1988, 1991). Gee (2004) studied different forms of verbal abuse directed towards deprived minority
groups, based on ethnicity.
2.2.Ethics
The students in the teacher-education College consented to participate in the study; they were aware
of that the data they provided would be gathered and used for the research and they understood its aims.
Personal details have been omitted to conceal the identity of the participants.
3.Presentation of Findings and Discussion
In this section, we present the story of each of the interviewees, followed by its analysis. In the
second stage, similarities and differences that emerged between the interviewees are noted. This
comparison sheds light on the mechanisms employed in the separation -individuation and in the identity-
shaping process. On the one hand, we found a mechanism of
belonging, tradition, and language); while on the other hand, we found a mechanism of
aspects of the native culture. We also found that,
visibility, which indicate a conflicting experience, and a presentation of the processes used to cope with
the conflict.
3.1.The Story of Elana
"I was born in Israel and I do not speak Amharic. My parents brought me up to
integrate into the Israeli milieu; they were also born in Israel. They rarely speak Amharic
between them, except with their parents. Actually, I had not affiliated myself with the
Ethiopian community. During my [compulsory] military service, my role was as a
teacher working with soldiers who were Ethiopian immigrants. My commander said:
"You are intimately familiar with the
them...." Actually, I was not well prepared for it, and I told him so: "I have no
connection to the community". I put it to him bluntly: "Do you need my skin to be
painted white to understand that I can never belong to the Ethiopian community? I do
not know the Amharic language; I do not know the Ethiopian mentality. (Defiantly) To
me, the Amharic letters look like graphic ornamentation";
3.1.1.Analysis of Elana's Story
The story of Elana Demonstrates the conflict in which she is immersed, due to the tension between
visibility (skin color) and her inner feelings, which are incongruent with what her appearance
communicates to her environment. It is a tension between the Israeli hegemonic society's expectation that
she be different and her own feeling of belonging to that very society. As a result, her commander reflects
Israeli society's expectation that she serve as a bridge between the hegemonic society and the Beta-Israel
community, a role that she cannot fulfill. Her defiant tone and attitude when she spoke about the Amharic
typography emphasized her desire to be an Israeli and to "erase" all the Ethiopian cultural trappings. Her
story demonstrates that she rejects Amharic even as the native language of her parents, as it is not her
language; instead, with her parents' encouragement, she acquired the language that would ensure better
integration into society (Amir, 2013). At this point, she does not want to be affiliated with a language that
is associated with a lower social status (that of the soldiers who recently emigrated from Africa).
Elana expresses an unreconciled identity. The mechanism she uses is denial, when she refuses to
use the native language of her parents and bases this on the fact that her parents were born in Israel. She
also distances herself from the Ethiopian tradition and language and is unwilling to help preserve them, as
she refuses to accompany and assist soldiers who emigrated from Ethiopia. She emphasizes her distancing
from the language and the community despite the visibility of her ethnic roots. This visibility creates a
predisposition among those who surround her; however, Elana distinguishes between ethnic roots and the
desire to use the Amharic language. She feels no conflict in terms of her identity: to her it is clear and
unreconciled. She conscientiously chose an Israeli identity and her place in the sociological fabric
emphasizes her process of differentiation and separation.
3.2.The Story of Esti
Esti, described going with her mother to a parent-teacher meeting at school. During the
conversation between the teacher and her mother, she saw her mother nodding her head as the teacher
spoke. At the end of the meeting, her mother thanked the teacher and they left. On the way home, Esti
could not hold back her tears. When her mother asked her why she was crying, she explained that it was
not because the teacher said horrible things about her, but because the teacher did not even notice that her
mother did not understand of a word of what was said.
3.2.1.Analysisof Esti'sStory
Esti's story describes a process of identity formation that has not yet reached completion; it appears
that this identity is tending towards the reconciled identity. The centrality of the language issue reveals her
conflict. On the one hand, she has an intimate relationship with her mother; given that her mother is her
source of support and that her mother's native language is Esti's own emotional language. On the other
hand, Esti has no choice but to function in an environment governed by a different language. However,
becoming functional might entail a loss of intimacy with her mother. At this stage, the intimacy with the
mother prevails, a situation that underscores her inner conflict. It is this experience of conflict that gives
rise to her tears of frustration
At the same time, the teacher, whose professional identity should be manifested as a type of
surrogate mother in the context of the learning environment, does not give Esti the option to differentiate
herself, but rather strengthens Esti's loyalty to her inner language? Esti is driven to tears because of her
unclear and incomplete identity, torn as it is between the world of her mother's native Amharic language
and the language of the environment, i.e., Hebrew, which is represented by the teacher. Each language
carries its own inherent code; Esti's silence during the meeting between her teacher and her mother is
proof of her inability to formulate a separate identity.
3.3.Comparison
The two stories of the second generation of immigrants reflect the participants' conflict with their
roots and the use of each of the two languages. Both participants mention both languages Amharic and
Hebrew; however, whereas Elana openly denied her Ethiopian identity, Esti has yet to come to terms with
her differentiation from the mother; which is why the linguistic gap between her teacher and her mother
brings her to tears. These two narratives provide insight into the identity-formation process of each
participant and reveal the differences in their relative degree of awareness of the identity-formation
process.
Elana demonstrates an awareness of her inner truth. She is not afraid to emphasize her sense of
identity: she is strong enough to insist on it despite the visibility of her ethnic roots. In contrast, Esti
would prefer to avoid the conflict altogether. Her identity is not yet clear. She did not force her mother to
admit to the teacher that she does not understand Hebrew, suggesting that Esti's relationship with the
teacher is less than sincere, whereas she her relationship with her mother is both intimate and loyal,
indicating that her mother's native language is also her own emotional and inner language (Amir, 2013).
4.Conclusions
Using the concepts introduced here, namely,
light on the relationship between the language mechanism and the process of identity formation, that is,
the manner in which each participant constructs the self. The second language can replace the native
language, as in the example of Elana, or the languages can coexist, one alongside the other, but then, as in
Esti's example, the language mechanism emphasizes the individual's sense of foreignness. These
contrasting cases demonstrate that the various identity mechanisms are derived from the manner in which
the individual chooses to use the two languages. In each case, the language choice represents the
individual's way of coping with the dual identity and one's stage in the identity-formation process.
The following coping approaches can be distinguished.
a)The individual could lean towards the formation of a reconciled or an unreconciled identity
(Elana's example tends towards an unreconciled identity; Esti's example tends towards a
reconciled identity).
b)Use of both languages could indicate an identity that is always teetering between the two options:
on the one hand, there is the desire to preserve one's cultural heritage; on the other hand, there is
a desire to relinquish it completely (demonstrated by our two cases).
c)The native language might be perceived as mere "ornamentation", suggesting an awareness of
the separate function of each language: the native language might be the language of emotions
and perceptions, but the language of the environment may serve as a pseudo-language, (Amir,
2013), used only to manage everyday-life tasks.
d)Resistance against the use of the native language can serve to deny any separateness between the
self and the other.
Immigrants' approach to their languages is thus indicative of the way they choose to formulate
their identity. Both of the personal stories described here substantiate the phenomenon described at the
outset of this study, namely, that the community of Ethiopian immigrants in Israel is receding from a
position of uniqueness and is still searching for its "appropriate" place within the mosaic of Israeli society,
especially as it relates to the community's visibility or invisibility (Ben Ezer, 2010). In the context of this
socialization process, the use of the language, , can be seen to reflect both internal, micro-level gaps in the
relationship between immigrant parents and their children, as well as macro-level community processes,
which in turn affect interpersonal interactions and relationships.
These varying approaches are brought into play in response to the community members' desire to
make the knowledge related to their cultural heritage accessible to the entire society. Endowing their
unique story with a universal dimension is an indication of the desire to have their cultural narrative be
appropriated by the general society, and thus to obliterate the visibility and the weak image. Their choice
regarding the use of their two languages can help structure a cultural code that provides and organizes
social meaning and, most importantly, is capable of breaking through the barrier of social exclusion, by
giving voice to the "silenced identity" (Zamir, & Baratz, 2013). At the same time, immigrants' language-
related choices bring to the surface the conflict of their dual identity. For immigrants, language is not only
an expression of their roots; it also gives them wings.
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Cite this article as:
Kalnisky, E., & Baratz, L. (2017). Language Is Not Only Roots, But Also Wings. In E. Soare, & C. Langa (Eds.), Education Facing Contemporary World Issues, vol 23. European Proceedings of Social and Behavioural Sciences (pp. 132-141). Future Academy. https://doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2017.05.02.18