Sino-Japanese Diffidation in 1958: from the perspective of domestic internationalism-nationalism confrontation

Abstract

One of the most important time point in the bilateral relations between China and Japan in the 1950s is the Sino-Japanese diffidation in 1958, or more specifically speaking, Chinese unilateral declaration of cutting off all connections with Japan, which also marks the abandonment of Chinese central government of the “People’s diplomacy” policy towards Japan. By digging into detailed process of the policy-making, this research tries to offer some new domestic explanation for this vital moment. Based on the historical facts, anti-Japanese nationalism in the 1950s existed and grew gradually into some power confronting the internationalism-based “People’s diplomacy” policy made by Chinese central government. Confrontation between the internationalism-based “People’s diplomacy” and nationalism against Japan gradually made Chinese government realize that growing pressures from domestic anti-Japanese nationalistic sentiments could never be ignored any longer and Chinese government finally chose to frontally respond to domestic nationalistic voices by giving up “People’s diplomacy” policy, and stating to cut off all communications with Japan, which is the Sino-Japanese diffidation in 1958.

Keywords: Nationalism, Internationalism, Sino-Japanese relations, People’s diplomacy

Introduction

Regardless of all achievements in the developments of bilateral relations between China and

Japan, Chinese government chose to give up the “People’ diplomacy” policy towards Japan by unilaterally cut off all connections with Japan in May 9th, 1958, defined as Sino-Japanese diffidation in this research.

This vital incident marks an important time point in the Sino-Japanese relations in the 1950s and also brings up a question of great worth for research: why did the Chinese government choose to abandon its “People’s diplomacy” policy toward Japan with the diffidation in 1958?

Explanations from perspectives of international levels are the most in previous researches. Some Japanese scholars (Okabe, 2006; Tanaka, 1991) believe that international structure of Cold War in the 1950s dividing China and Japan into opposite groups makes the Sino-Japanese diffidation predestinated. This is also, to certain extent, backed up by some Chinese scholars (Lin & Zhou, 2006) emphasizing on Chinese leaders’ optimistic prediction of Communism revolutionary power against the West, which leads to less enthusiasm for improving the problematic Sino-Japanese relations in 1957-1958.

Other researches turn to the personal factors for explanations to this question. Researches done in Japan (Wang, 2004) believe that Chinese foreign policy making is strongly influenced by the political leaders, mainly Mao Zedong and Chou Enlai in terms of Sino-Japanese relations. Mao’s arbitrary decision, therefore, becomes the main reason for the sudden diffidation in 1958 between China and Japan. On the other hand, Chinese scholars (Tian, 2002) tend to indicate that the change of Japanese government from relatively Chinese-friendly Hatoyama and Ishibashi to anti-Chinese Kishi Cabinet was the trigger for Chinese final policy choice in 1958.

Researches mentioned above give the macrocosmic as well as microcosmic background for the answer to the research question. However, middle-range part focusing on domestic factors inside China is still missing from present researches, as well as the whole picture of this historical moment.

Therefore, this research chooses the domestic perspective, more specifically, the domestic factor of anti-Japanese nationalism in the 1950s to get more comprehensive understanding of the Sino-Japanese diffidation in 1958 and “People’s diplomacy” policy, and to inspire further thoughts regarding influence of nationalism on the process of Chinese foreign policy making.

By conducting textual analysis on works of Mao Zedong and Chou Enlai, referring to available foreign office documents related to Sino-Japanese relations and memoirs of diplomats directly processing diplomatic work towards Japan, this research will sum up the characteristics of “People’s diplomacy” and persuasive evidences of existing nationalism, and explain the influence of their interactions on policy-making process of Sino-Japanese diffidation in 1958.

The following first part will give an introduction, theoretically and practically, to the “People’s diplomacy” policy towards Japan in the 1950s, which shows the characteristic of being strongly internationalism-based. The second part will focus on the anti-Japanese nationalism from grass-roots under the cover of Japanese-friendly “People’s diplomacy” policy. The third part follows to discuss about the confrontation between the internationalism-based “People’s diplomacy” policy and domestic nationalistic sentiments and its influence on the foreign policy choice towards Japan made by Chinese government in 1958. The final part will be the conclusion.

2.Internationalism-based “People’s diplomacy” policy

Internationalism is one of the main principles regarding foreign relations of Communist countries in Leninism, which is particularly influential in Chinese diplomacy back to the 1950s. According to Leninism Theory (Central Compilation & Translation Bureau, 1990 &1991), there are nations oppressing others and those being oppressed. A true internationalist should not merely care about national interests but more about freedom and equality of all nations, and support, in all ways, those holding the same belief.

With China being a member of Communist countries, Chinese foreign policy in the 1950s had followed the Leninist ideological principles of internationalism. In 1952 when Chou Enlai (abbreviated as Chou in following parts) mentioned general guidelines for Chinese diplomatic practice, internationalism appeared as an important one to be followed, whereas nationalism was one that should be opposed. Similar statement was also made by Mao Zedong (abbreviated as Mao in following parts) of the internationalist obligation to support the people worldwide still fighting for their liberation. [See Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China & CCCPC Party Literature Research Office (1990). Zhou Enlai Wai Jiao Wen Xuan(Works of Chou Enlai Regarding Diplomacy), pp. 54-55., See Wang T.P. (1999). Xin Zhong Guo Wai Jiao Wu Shi Nian (50 Years’ Diplomacy of New China), p. 714.]Under such background, “People’s diplomacy” policy towards Japan in the 1950s also shows strong internationalist belief. By differentiating “friendly Japanese people and groups” from “imperialists and militarists”, Chinese government tried to support and work together with the Japanese people for liberation of both countries against the reactionary.

Chinese government firstly chose to stand by the left-wing powers that was believed to be the leader in Japanese people’s social movements against the so-called “American and Japanese imperialists” (Ishikawa, Ikei, Nakajima, 1970). In all the left-wing powers, the Japanese Communist Party was the main focus for China’s “People’s diplomacy” policy. On the other hand, criticism was also strong in China for Japanese government as “accomplice of American imperialists” who oppressed Japanese people and destroyed Sino-Japanese relations (Okabe, 1976).

After 1954, Chinese government changed its attitude towards Japanese government to act at same pace with Soviet Union which eased the tension with Japan. Chou’s talk during the meeting with members of Japanese Diet and Japanese scholars in 1954 explicitly stated official recognition of the Yoshida Cabinet “chosen by the Japanese people” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, CCCPC Party Literature Research Office, 1990, pp. 91-93). Furthermore, Chinese government even showed willingness to work with Japanese government, as representative of Japanese people, against American imperialists.[See CCCPC Party Literature Research Office. (1990),, p. 540; CCCPC Party Literature Research Office. (1991).Zedong Wen Gao (Works of Mao Zedong since 1949)Vol. 5, p. 36, 384.] For example, Mao mentioned in 1955 that China and Japan as two nations oppressed by America should work together for real freedom (Liu, 1999, pp. 258-261).

In diplomatic practice of “People’s diplomacy” policy towards Japan in the 1950s, the internationalist belief was reflected clearly and did help develop the Sino-Japanese relations. Nongovernmental trade agreements and various cultural communication between China and Japan were strongly encouraged by the Chinese central government for the unity with Japanese people. [See Zhou E. L. (1954). Zheng Fu Gong Zuo Bao Gao 1954.9.23 (Report on the Work of the Government), p. 29.] As Prime Minster of China, Chou recommended for lenient treatment for the Japanese prisoners of war and showed willingness to help send Japanese citizens back. Stating that “Japanese people are also victims of the war and are different from militarists”, he also indicated in many public occasions that China had no intention of requiring any war compensation from Japan (Japanese Zhou Enlai Commemoration Committee, 1991, p. 44, 158, 168).

In spite of enthusiasm of central government for the friendship between Chinese and Japanese people via “People’s diplomacy” policy, there had been anti-Japanese nationalistic sentiments from grass-roots existing and growing ever since Sino-Japanese war ended in 1945.

Memoirs of diplomats in charge of diplomatic practice to Japan (Sun, 2009, p. 8) at that time give rather detailed description about the anti-Japanese sentiments: the anti-Japanese sentiments from grass-roots were said to be particularly strong in the rural areas. Japanese delegation of Asian Pacific Peace Conference in 1952 visiting Wuhan in Hubei Province caused the antipathy of local Chinese. Similar situations also existed when local people saw Japanese visitors in Shenyang, Liaoning Province [See Wu X. W. (2002). Feng Yu Yin Qing: Wo Suo Jing Li De Zhong Ri Guan Xi (the Sino-Japanese Relations I Experienced), p. 16]. Even the diplomats dealing with diplomatic relations with Japan had some anti-Japanese emotions. Some of them got angry at Japanese delegates when the latter used certain words like “Shina” or “Manchu” that was regarded as offensive to Chinese [Ibid, p. 17.].To promote the “People’s diplomacy” policy for closer relationship with Japanese people, the central government realized that the nationalistic sentiments against Japan should be controlled. By inculcating diplomats and the people with the idea of “differentiating militarist from Japanese people, and differentiating militarism culprit from ordinary government officials”, known as the principle of “two differentiation” [See Japanese Zhou Enlai Commemoration Committee. (1991).(Chou Enlai in the eyes of Japanese people), pp. 44.], central government attempted to weaken the anti-Japanese voices, which, however, turned out to be less effective than expect.

Internationalism-nationalism Confrontation and Sino-Japanese Diffidation

In the second half of 1950s, domestic anti-Japanese nationalism grew stronger against the diplomatic practice of “People’s diplomacy” policy. Confrontation between the policy of central government and local governments and grass-roots emerged, and step by step, pushed Chinese central government to rethink about its policy towards Japan.

Conclusion

“People’s diplomacy” policy towards Japan is one typical example of the foreign policies mightily influenced by the internationalism ideology in the 1950s. Following the principle of “differentiating militarist from Japanese people, and differentiating militarism culprit from ordinary government officials”, known as the principle of “two differentiation”, Chinese central government enthusiastically promoted the “People’s diplomacy” for friendship between Chinese and Japanese people. In diplomatic practice, Chinese government also persisted in the “People’s diplomacy” with encouragement for bilateral cultural and economic communications, support for sending back Japanese citizens left in mainland China, and lenient treatment towards Japanese prisoners of war.

Nevertheless, anti-Japanese nationalistic sentiments existed and gradually put pressure on the “People’s diplomacy” policy made by the central government. Confrontation between the internationalism-based “People’s diplomacy” and nationalism against Japan first appeared in 1956 when opposition arose against the decision made by central government of lenient treatment to Japanese prisoners of war. Indignation from local governments and the people, though was suppressed by central government, never disappeared but grew stronger after 1956.

Gradually realizing that the internationalism-based “People’s Diplomacy” policy towards Japan faces unignorably growing pressures from domestic anti-Japanese nationalistic emotions, Chinese government finally chose to frontally respond to domestic nationalistic sentiments by giving up “People’s diplomacy” policy, and stating to stop all the communications with Japan, which is the Sino-Japanese diffidation in 1958.

“People’s diplomacy” policy towards Japan, with the ultimate goal to promote friendship between Chinese and Japanese people, has to, on the contrary, face the fate of being abandoned due to domestic pressure from Chinese people. Absence of Chinese people, or strictly speaking, insufficient consideration of the Chinese central government about nationalistic sentiment of Chinese people in the process of policy-making may be the source of domestic pressure for the “People’s diplomacy” policy.

Furthermore, this research also brings up the question of how important nationalism is in the process of Chinese foreign policy making. As the experienced Japanese politician who is deeply involved in Sino-Japanese relations after war, Furui Yoshimi (1993, p. 20) mentioned in his own memoir that “Nationalism comes first” may be the core of consideration in China’s relationship with foreign countries back to Mao’s era. Whether this is still true in contemporary Chinese diplomacy remains to be studied. However, the influence of domestic factor of nationalism is undoubtedly something important especially in the discussion about Sino-Japanese relations and therefore needs more attention.

Acknowledgements

I would like to acknowledge my deepest gratitude, first of all, to my parents who always show their strongest support for me, and also to my supervisor at Peking University, Dr. Li Hanmei, a respectable and excellent scholar who illuminated the field of Japanese Studies for me and gave precious advice on this research. It is also my duty to record my thankfulness to Dr. Liu Jianping who, though I haven’t got the chance to meet, inspired me a lot with his works. And finally I want to show my great thanks to the team of Publisher and Future Academy for their offer of this great chance.

References

• CCCPC Party Literature Research Office. (1990). Jian Guo Yi Lai Mao Zedong Wen Gao (Works of Mao Zedong since 1949) Vol. 4. Beijing: CCCPC Party Literature Research Publishing.

• CCCPC Party Literature Research Office. (1991). Jian Guo Yi Lai Mao Zedong Wen Gao (Works of Mao Zedong since 1949) Vol. 5. Beijing: CCCPC Party Literature Research Publishing.

• CCCPC Party Literature Research Office. (1992). Jian Guo Yi Lai Mao Zedong Wen Gao (Works of Mao Zedong since 1949) Vol. 6. Beijing: CCCPC Party Literature Research Publishing.

• CCCPC Party Literature Research Office. (1997). Zhou Enlai Nian Pu 1949-1976 (the Chronicle of Chou Enlai). Beijing: CCCPC Party Literature Research Publishing.

• Central Compilation & Translation Bureau. (1990). Lie Ning Quan Ji (Complete Works of Lenin) Vol. 28. Beijing: People’s Publishing House.

• Central Compilation & Translation Bureau. (1991). Lie Ning Quan Ji (Complete Works of Lenin) Vol. 29. Beijing: People’s Publishing House.

• Furui Y. (1993). Ri Zhong Guan Xi Shi Ba Nian: Gu Jing Xi Shi Hui Yi Lu (Memoir of Furui Yoshimi: 18 Years of Sino-Japanese Relations) (Tian J. N. & Tian H., Trans.). Beijing: Zhong Guo He Ping Publishing.

• Ishikawa T., Ikei M., Nakajima M. (1970). Sengo Shiryo Nichu Kankei (Materials on Sino-Japanese Relations after 1945). Tokyo: Nippon Hyoron Sha.

• Japanese Zhou Enlai Commemoration Committee. (1991). Ri Ben Ren Xin Mu Zhong De Zhou Enlai (Chou Enlai in the eyes of Japanese people). Beijing: Party School of the Central Committee of C.P. C.

• Jin Y. (1999). Qi Yuan: Yi Ge Zhan Fan Guan Li Suo Zhang De Hui Yi (Memoir of an Officer of War Criminal Management Center). Beijing: Chinese People's Liberation Army Publishing House.

• Lin X. G. & Zhou Y. (2006). China’s Diplomacy with Japan in the Mid-1950s. CPC History Studies, 6, 6, 57-64.

• Liu D. Y. (1999). Shi Guang Zhi Lv: Wo Jing Li De Zhong Ri Guan Xi (Trip of the Time: Sino-Japanese Relations I Experienced). Beijing: the Commercial Press.

• Liu J. P. (2010). Zhan Hou Zhong Ri Guan Xi: “Bu Zheng Chang” Li Shi De Guo Cheng Yu Jie Gou (Sino-Japanese Relations after War: Historical Process and Structure of “Abnormal” Relations). Beijing: Social Science Academic Press.

• Luo R. Q. (1995). Luo Ruiqing Guan Yu Zhan Zheng Zui Fan Wen Ti De Fa Yan (Statement by Luo Ruiqing Regarding Issues Related to Prisoners of War, March of 1956), Dang De Wen Xian, 2, 25.

• Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China & CCCPC Party Literature Research Office. (1990). Zhou Enlai Wai Jiao Wen Xuan(Works of Chou Enlai Regarding Diplomacy). Beijing: CCCPC Party Literature Research Publishing.

• Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China. (1956). Guan Yu Dui Ri Ben Zhan Fan De Shen Pan He Liang Xing Wen Ti De Ji Dian Yi Jian De Bao Gao (Report Regarding the Guidelines of Measurement of Penalty for Japanese Prisoners of War), (No. 105-00501-05). Beijing: the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China.

• Okabe T. (1976). Chugoku no Tainichi Seisaku (Chinese Foreign Policy to Japan). Tokyo: University of Tokyo.

• Okabe T. (2006). Nichu Kankei no Kako to Shorai (The Past and Future of Sino-Japanese Relations). Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.

• Ouyang X. & Li G. H. (2009). the Event of China Stopping Trade with Japan in 1958 as Seen from the Perspective of Guangzhou Chinese Export Commodities Fair. CPC History Studies, 5, 44.

• People’s Daily (2013). Ren Min Ri Bao She Lun Quan Ji (1956.9-1966.5) (All Collections of Editorials of People’s Daily)Vol. 2. Beijing: People’s Daily.

• Sun P. H. (2009). Zhong Ri You Hao Sui Xiang Lu (Random Thoughts about Sino-Japanese Friendship). Shenyang: Liaoning Renmin Publishing.

• Tanaka A. (1991). Nichu Kankei: 1945-1990 (Sino-Japanese Relations: 1945-1990). Tokyo: University of Tokyo.

• Tian H. (2002). Zhan Hou Zhong Ri Guan Xi: 1945-1995 (Sino-Japanese Relations after war: 1945-1995). Beijing: China Social Science Press.

• Wang T. P. (1999). Xin Zhong Guo Wai Jiao Wu Shi Nian (50 Years’ Diplomacy of New China). Beijing: Beijing Publishing.

• Wang W. B. (2004). Chugoku to Nihon no Gaikou Seisaku (Foreign policies of China and Japan). Tokyo: Minerva Shobo.

• Wo Guo Guo Qi Jue Bu Rong Wu Ru (Our National Flag shall never be insulted). (1958, May 12). People’s Daily.

• Wu X. W. (2002). Feng Yu Yin Qing: Wo Suo Jing Li De Zhong Ri Guan Xi (the Sino-Japanese Relations I Experienced), Beijing: Shi Jie Zhi Shi Publishing.

• Zhou E. L. (1954). Zheng Fu Gong Zuo Bao Gao 1954.9.23 (Report on the Work of the Government), Beijing: People’s Publishing House.